21 July Priority Question 3 Programme for Government commitment to Arts & Culture
Click on NAMA site to hear full exchange
Maureen O'Sullivan TD asked the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht Jimmy Deenihan TD the progress that has been made to date in implementing the Programme for Government plan regarding the arts and in particular the progress made in seeking to capture some public good from the National Assets Management Agency by identifying buildings that have no commercial potential and which might be suitable as local facilities for art and culture particularly in Dublin Central. [22334/11]
Deputy Dinny McGinley I assure the Deputy of this Government’s commitment towards the arts and culture sectors. We are intent on pursuing this agenda while recognising the limited financial resources available and taking account of the evolving budgetary and Estimates positions. I am pleased to report that in the four months since taking office, progress is being made on a number of fronts in regard to our commitments in the programme for Government. Strategic policy formulation is the primary function of my Department and significant work has been undertaken on its new statement of strategy. Dialogue has been initiated within the arts community and with local authority arts officers with a view to introducing an interactive strategy and more co-ordination of their work at national and local level. Interesting connections are being made with relevant individuals to explore the possibilities for philanthropy and other fund-raising activities. In that context, the Department is now represented on the forum on philanthropy.
I also understand that the Arts Council has been developing its touring policy. Plans are now being finalised for Culture Night 2011 and I hope to progress publication of the 1926 census in coming months.
In relation to the proposal regarding the use of NAMA buildings for cultural purposes, the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht has met the chair and chief executive of NAMA on the matter and those contacts will continue. It would not be appropriate to comment in more detail on those discussions at this point.
The next five years can be an exciting time for the arts, culture and film sectors. Their integration into one Department, along with the Irish language, islands and heritage responsibilities, makes eminent sense and I look forward to seeking out and building on the self-evident synergies between these areas.
Maureen O’Sullivan TD: I mean no disrespect to the Minister of State, Deputy McGinley, when I express disappointment that the Minister is not in the Chamber to take questions. The Technical Group facilitated the various changes to the parliamentary question rota that have occurred over recent weeks.
Yesterday morning, the Minister attended the launch of the Dublin Fringe Festival at the Project Arts Centre. When I spoke to him afterwards, he expressed his admiration for the drive and enthusiasm of the group of largely young people who organised the festival. Many of these individuals were involved in Dublin Youth Theatre, which is housed in appalling accommodation in Gardiner Street. However, even though the building is restricted and does not have enough room for its needs, Dublin Youth Theatre has produced a number of talented playwrights and actors. I hope alternative accommodation for this group will be on the agenda when the Minister continues his discussions with NAMA. When does the Minister of State envisage the Minister issuing a report on the discussions?
The project for this year’s final class of architecture students in DIT was “NAMA Lab”. They came up with several interesting suggestions for NAMA’s buildings, many of which are located in Dublin Central. There was a particularly interesting proposal for that appalling monument to Anglo Irish Bank on North Wall. Perhaps the Minister’s attention can be drawn to the students’ exhibition.
Dinny McGinley TD: The Minister is absent due to a change in Question Time which was originally arranged for earlier in the afternoon. He regrets that he has another commitment and, as a result, is unable to attend. I am deputising for him as the Minister of State with responsibility for the Gaeltacht.
The Minister has met the chief executive of NAMA on two occasions and discussions are ongoing. The questions raised by the Deputy will be conveyed to him and I hope a reply will be furnished at the earliest opportunity.
Maureen O’Sullivan TD: I recognise that we must operate within economic constraints, but I was pleased to learn there will be continued support for the arts. There is a significant movement within community arts and I hope this area is well supported in the budget.
Dinny McGinley TD: I completely agree with the Deputy. While I do not have responsibility for the arts, I attended or opened a number of arts festivals and exhibitions over the past several weekends. A fortnight ago I visited Inis Oirr, where I had the honour of opening a fine exhibition by artists from Celtic countries, including Scotland, Wales and Ireland. Last Friday I had the privilege of opening an art exhibition in my own parish. There is a movement in the arts in every part of the country and that is to be welcomed. The energy and creativity of these people are not hindered by the considerable financial constraints under which we must operate. I am sure the Deputies opposite have had similar experiences of being invited to openings and seeing the genuine enthusiasm of those involved with the arts. It is a great credit to the country.
Deputy Dinny McGinley I assure the Deputy of this Government’s commitment towards the arts and culture sectors. We are intent on pursuing this agenda while recognising the limited financial resources available and taking account of the evolving budgetary and Estimates positions. I am pleased to report that in the four months since taking office, progress is being made on a number of fronts in regard to our commitments in the programme for Government. Strategic policy formulation is the primary function of my Department and significant work has been undertaken on its new statement of strategy. Dialogue has been initiated within the arts community and with local authority arts officers with a view to introducing an interactive strategy and more co-ordination of their work at national and local level. Interesting connections are being made with relevant individuals to explore the possibilities for philanthropy and other fund-raising activities. In that context, the Department is now represented on the forum on philanthropy.
I also understand that the Arts Council has been developing its touring policy. Plans are now being finalised for Culture Night 2011 and I hope to progress publication of the 1926 census in coming months.
In relation to the proposal regarding the use of NAMA buildings for cultural purposes, the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht has met the chair and chief executive of NAMA on the matter and those contacts will continue. It would not be appropriate to comment in more detail on those discussions at this point.
The next five years can be an exciting time for the arts, culture and film sectors. Their integration into one Department, along with the Irish language, islands and heritage responsibilities, makes eminent sense and I look forward to seeking out and building on the self-evident synergies between these areas.
Maureen O’Sullivan TD: I mean no disrespect to the Minister of State, Deputy McGinley, when I express disappointment that the Minister is not in the Chamber to take questions. The Technical Group facilitated the various changes to the parliamentary question rota that have occurred over recent weeks.
Yesterday morning, the Minister attended the launch of the Dublin Fringe Festival at the Project Arts Centre. When I spoke to him afterwards, he expressed his admiration for the drive and enthusiasm of the group of largely young people who organised the festival. Many of these individuals were involved in Dublin Youth Theatre, which is housed in appalling accommodation in Gardiner Street. However, even though the building is restricted and does not have enough room for its needs, Dublin Youth Theatre has produced a number of talented playwrights and actors. I hope alternative accommodation for this group will be on the agenda when the Minister continues his discussions with NAMA. When does the Minister of State envisage the Minister issuing a report on the discussions?
The project for this year’s final class of architecture students in DIT was “NAMA Lab”. They came up with several interesting suggestions for NAMA’s buildings, many of which are located in Dublin Central. There was a particularly interesting proposal for that appalling monument to Anglo Irish Bank on North Wall. Perhaps the Minister’s attention can be drawn to the students’ exhibition.
Dinny McGinley TD: The Minister is absent due to a change in Question Time which was originally arranged for earlier in the afternoon. He regrets that he has another commitment and, as a result, is unable to attend. I am deputising for him as the Minister of State with responsibility for the Gaeltacht.
The Minister has met the chief executive of NAMA on two occasions and discussions are ongoing. The questions raised by the Deputy will be conveyed to him and I hope a reply will be furnished at the earliest opportunity.
Maureen O’Sullivan TD: I recognise that we must operate within economic constraints, but I was pleased to learn there will be continued support for the arts. There is a significant movement within community arts and I hope this area is well supported in the budget.
Dinny McGinley TD: I completely agree with the Deputy. While I do not have responsibility for the arts, I attended or opened a number of arts festivals and exhibitions over the past several weekends. A fortnight ago I visited Inis Oirr, where I had the honour of opening a fine exhibition by artists from Celtic countries, including Scotland, Wales and Ireland. Last Friday I had the privilege of opening an art exhibition in my own parish. There is a movement in the arts in every part of the country and that is to be welcomed. The energy and creativity of these people are not hindered by the considerable financial constraints under which we must operate. I am sure the Deputies opposite have had similar experiences of being invited to openings and seeing the genuine enthusiasm of those involved with the arts. It is a great credit to the country.
21 July Central Bank and Credit Institutions
Click to hear Maureen speak
Yesterday the Taoiseach used the words “dysfunction”, “disconnection”, “elitism” and “narcissism” about the church. Those words could equally be applied to our banking institutions. We cannot but be struck by the fact that at least apologies are coming from certain quarters in the church but there has been a lack of similar apologies from the banking authorities.Once again, we are in a situation we should not be in or at least we should not be in it to the extent we are. While I accept outside influences did play a significant role, our banking crisis was essentially self-made through the greed of the bank authorities in that they allowed themselves become over-exposed to property. There was poor governance, appalling management or mismanagement, not to mention the cosy relationship between the banks and certain individuals. The Financial Regulator’s role was extremely inadequate and the relevant people in authority in this House and in the Department of Finance were not up to the mark, regardless of whether they were misinformed, not informed or chose not to see. The solution chosen, namely, save the banks at all costs, led to the extensive blanket bank guarantee.
The point appears to be that if a systematic resolution framework had been in place we would not now be in the dire straits we are in, or at least not to that extent. It was borne out in both the Honohan and Nyberg reports that if a resulting mechanism had been in place, public losses would have been reduced.
I note the various purposes behind the Bill, including an effective and efficient resolution regime for failing or likely to fail credit institutions, and that the Exchequer will be protected. I accept we need to protect the interests of depositors, we need banks and we need financial stability. The Bill will give the Central Bank the necessary powers for these purposes but the Central Bank has not exactly covered itself in glory in the past. Banking authorities must be held accountable for their actions and the action is needed before a bank’s balance sheet is insolvent.
I understand choices have to be made and balances struck between the protection of shareholders and the protection of the public and depositors’ interests. However, the protection of shareholders should not be paramount.
With regard to the “special manager”, in the opinion of the Central Bank, the person chosen will have “the requisite knowledge, expertise and experience of the financial services sector to be the special manager”. This will have the effect of suspending the rights and powers of shareholders and members. The special manager has extensive powers to remove people in employment and those in positions, so those people who will be special managers, while they must have those considerable credentials, will also, I hope, be guided by values of honesty and truthfulness in carrying out their work.
I have been contacted by certain credit unions in my constituency. I understand a strategic review is being undertaken and that the report is overdue. It appears the credit union regulator is making decisions on credit union reform before the commission has completed its work. Credit unions have played a very important role in this country and have been the saviour of many individuals and families. There is a strong community base, particularly in disadvantaged areas, and they provided an alternative to the money lenders charging 140% interest and more, who also took social welfare books and pension books from vulnerable people who were desperate for money to pay bills or cover the cost of Christmas.
The credit unions also have a very strong voluntary element which must be acknowledged, as must the fact the members own the organisation. They are different from banks and I would not like to see the undermining of credit unions. I accept there is a need for good governance but the majority have worked well under the current governance and they play a very important role in providing credit.
It was interesting to read that from June 2009 to June 2010 those credits unions affiliated to the Irish League of Credit Unions provided €2.5 billion in loans to their members. If there are weaknesses, potential or real, they cannot be ignored, but I hope action will not be taken arbitrarily. While I know some credit unions are considering amalgamation, I hope the wishes of the credit unions can be taken into account. We need to have a balance between holding onto the traditional credit union ethos - community focused, member focused and in the best interest of the members - and not allow or facilitate a return to the money lenders, which I hear about at present in Dublin Central.
My final point concerns the need for regulation in all our institutions, including the church, the State and Departments, and the need for regulation regarding the big level operators and the big commercial interests. What appears to be happening is that families, those looking for mortgages and small businesses are being swamped by excessive regulation.
Such swamping is delaying real activity in the real economy, thereby leading to a stagnation in Irish society. Consequently, banks and lobbyists for big business are setting out to convince people that less regulation is required. I recently met representatives from small businesses who have been in business for more than 30 years, have paid all their bills to those who supply them and have paid their workers etc. However, they have been left high and dry by larger developers who had contracted them and who now are in foreign fields making more profit but are not paying their just debts in Ireland. I wonder whether the wrong people are being regulated excessively. It should be senior bankers and not the person on the street who did not trigger the problem in the first place.
The Minister of Finance Michael Noonan TD responded to Maureen's points directly. Listen to that response here
The point appears to be that if a systematic resolution framework had been in place we would not now be in the dire straits we are in, or at least not to that extent. It was borne out in both the Honohan and Nyberg reports that if a resulting mechanism had been in place, public losses would have been reduced.
I note the various purposes behind the Bill, including an effective and efficient resolution regime for failing or likely to fail credit institutions, and that the Exchequer will be protected. I accept we need to protect the interests of depositors, we need banks and we need financial stability. The Bill will give the Central Bank the necessary powers for these purposes but the Central Bank has not exactly covered itself in glory in the past. Banking authorities must be held accountable for their actions and the action is needed before a bank’s balance sheet is insolvent.
I understand choices have to be made and balances struck between the protection of shareholders and the protection of the public and depositors’ interests. However, the protection of shareholders should not be paramount.
With regard to the “special manager”, in the opinion of the Central Bank, the person chosen will have “the requisite knowledge, expertise and experience of the financial services sector to be the special manager”. This will have the effect of suspending the rights and powers of shareholders and members. The special manager has extensive powers to remove people in employment and those in positions, so those people who will be special managers, while they must have those considerable credentials, will also, I hope, be guided by values of honesty and truthfulness in carrying out their work.
I have been contacted by certain credit unions in my constituency. I understand a strategic review is being undertaken and that the report is overdue. It appears the credit union regulator is making decisions on credit union reform before the commission has completed its work. Credit unions have played a very important role in this country and have been the saviour of many individuals and families. There is a strong community base, particularly in disadvantaged areas, and they provided an alternative to the money lenders charging 140% interest and more, who also took social welfare books and pension books from vulnerable people who were desperate for money to pay bills or cover the cost of Christmas.
The credit unions also have a very strong voluntary element which must be acknowledged, as must the fact the members own the organisation. They are different from banks and I would not like to see the undermining of credit unions. I accept there is a need for good governance but the majority have worked well under the current governance and they play a very important role in providing credit.
It was interesting to read that from June 2009 to June 2010 those credits unions affiliated to the Irish League of Credit Unions provided €2.5 billion in loans to their members. If there are weaknesses, potential or real, they cannot be ignored, but I hope action will not be taken arbitrarily. While I know some credit unions are considering amalgamation, I hope the wishes of the credit unions can be taken into account. We need to have a balance between holding onto the traditional credit union ethos - community focused, member focused and in the best interest of the members - and not allow or facilitate a return to the money lenders, which I hear about at present in Dublin Central.
My final point concerns the need for regulation in all our institutions, including the church, the State and Departments, and the need for regulation regarding the big level operators and the big commercial interests. What appears to be happening is that families, those looking for mortgages and small businesses are being swamped by excessive regulation.
Such swamping is delaying real activity in the real economy, thereby leading to a stagnation in Irish society. Consequently, banks and lobbyists for big business are setting out to convince people that less regulation is required. I recently met representatives from small businesses who have been in business for more than 30 years, have paid all their bills to those who supply them and have paid their workers etc. However, they have been left high and dry by larger developers who had contracted them and who now are in foreign fields making more profit but are not paying their just debts in Ireland. I wonder whether the wrong people are being regulated excessively. It should be senior bankers and not the person on the street who did not trigger the problem in the first place.
The Minister of Finance Michael Noonan TD responded to Maureen's points directly. Listen to that response here
20 July Commission of Investigation Report in the Catholic Diocese of Cloyne: Motion
Click to here Maureen speak on the Motion
I am struck that this time last week we were discussing residential institutions redress which was about the institutional abuse of children. I described it as one of the darkest moments in our history. This week we have the report into the Catholic diocese of Cloyne, which accentuates further that darkness. What is it about the institutions in this country - the church and the State - that they have this ability to treat children and young people so cruelly either in carrying out abuse or allowing it to continue? Other nations have had their dark moments: the Jewish nation has had the Holocaust and Cambodia has its “Killing Fields”. We have had the systematic abuse of young people - abuse that is sexual, physical, intellectual, emotional and spiritual - carried out by those in authority in the church, the State and within families. While we may not have had the death toll involved in those other disasters there is a part of every young person that dies when they are abused.It is noted in the report that there were reservations about some priests while in training. They were obviously attracted to the position because it gave them such scope when it came to abuse. The concern for the welfare of the abuser above that of the abused, as one victim put it, and damage limitation rather than a genuine wish to help unreservedly was evident. When the church did have clear guidelines in place on the duty to report to the Garda and the health authorities that was not done. Inadequate records were kept and the tendency was to keep the complaint within the church. I acknowledge that at times the complaints were handled properly. Again, we acknowledge the complainants who came forward to give evidence. It is harrowing to read their statements. We also note the reference to the Vatican in the report. There is widespread sexual abuse of young people by clerics not just in this country but in America and other countries with horrific effects. It is equally heartbreaking for those in religious life who are as appalled as we are by what was done by other people of the cloth.
The Cloyne report stated: “The standards which were adopted by the church are high standards which if fully implemented would afford proper protection to children.” The key word is “implement”. It continues to say that the standards set by the State are less precise and more difficult to implement so the State cannot afford to take the high moral ground when cases are being investigated concerning 200 young people who died in State care. The Donegal report has emerged this week and last week there was the case of a family who was abused.
I welcome that the proposed Bill also includes crimes against intellectually disabled persons, the national vetting bureau and Children First guidelines. We have all the measures now, but I agree with the Ombudsman for Children that we must have the resources to match.
The Cloyne report stated: “The standards which were adopted by the church are high standards which if fully implemented would afford proper protection to children.” The key word is “implement”. It continues to say that the standards set by the State are less precise and more difficult to implement so the State cannot afford to take the high moral ground when cases are being investigated concerning 200 young people who died in State care. The Donegal report has emerged this week and last week there was the case of a family who was abused.
I welcome that the proposed Bill also includes crimes against intellectually disabled persons, the national vetting bureau and Children First guidelines. We have all the measures now, but I agree with the Ombudsman for Children that we must have the resources to match.
14 July 2011 Residential Institutions Redress (Amendment) Bill, 2011: Second Stage
When Shakespeare’s Hamlet remarked that there was “something rotten in the state of Denmark” he could well have been talking about several institutions in this country, including the Catholic Church, banking and education, which have let people down horrendously. This Bill should never have been required in a so-called Christian and civilised country. The abusive treatment of children in institutions represents one of the darkest periods in our history. It is difficult to find words adequate to describe the pain, horror, grief and incomprehension experienced by children over many years. The natural order is for children to trust that adults will protect and support them. Instead, these young people suffered physically, mentally, emotionally and spiritually. They were starved of love and affection, sometimes physically starved, deprived of their right to education, sexually assaulted, beaten and used as slave labour. Families were torn apart, with people often never seeing their children, siblings or parents again.
Those who survived these institutions continue to live with the trauma and are scarred in many ways by their experience. Of course there are some who managed to move on and are leading fulfilling lives, but many others are barely coping. Some have ended up homeless, for example, or have turned to alcohol and drugs to cope with their pain. Some have become abusive themselves in their own relationships, have accrued massive debts or have even chosen to end their lives. However, the pain does not stop with those who directly experienced abuse. In the north inner city we are seeing the impact on the next generation, with the children of abused survivors equally turning to drugs, alcohol and suicide.
Reading the Cloyne and other reports, it is understandable that those who were abused might wish for all priests, nuns and religious brothers to be wiped off the face of the earth. However, it is important to acknowledge the good work done by people in religious life, both in this country and abroad. One need only consider the activities of Br. Kevin Crowley and Fr. Peter McVerry in looking after the homeless in this city or Sr. Concilio’s work with those battling addiction. As someone who was taught by a religious order and has worked with members of religious orders, I find it difficult to comprehend how some of their number will not accept and acknowledge what was done in the past by their congregations and that instead of doing what is right by those who suffered horribly, they are hiding behind loopholes and legal jargon.
The redress board was set up with good intentions to make fair and reasonable awards to persons who were abused as children in residential institutions. The list of institutions is extensive, but we must acknowledge that not all residents were abused and that there were some who experienced kindness and support. Nevertheless, the board’s findings have been very disturbing, with revelations that young children were put into these institutions for the most flimsy of reasons such as being born out of marriage, being orphaned or having missed school. Also disturbing is the amount paid to legal firms for their services to the board. I am not questioning the need for legal expertise, but the amounts involved are staggering, with some firms earning millions from their work. Equally, without taking from their work, a daily rate of €800 for board members is mind-boggling.
The word “redress” means to remedy or rectify a wrong and grievance; to readjust or set straight; to make reparation; or to restore equality. No legislation, no system and no amount of money can do all of that. I wonder whether we can ever remedy, rectify, readjust or set straight the harm done to these people. Can we as a society ever make adequate reparation for the wrong done? Applying to the redress board means opening up painful wounds and, for some, this has been a positive process. For others, however, the ordeal is too much. I have met survivors whose pain is being exacerbated by the media coverage. I was particularly saddened on meeting a man who was horrifically abused and whose only escape or relief is watching television. The coverage of the various abuse scandals brought everything back to him and I am sure the latest reports are once again depriving him of his only means of escape.
In 2005, the Government, in response to calls from groups representing victims of institutional abuse, extended the deadline for the receipt of applications for compensation. The proposal in this Bill to set a new deadline is supported by some of these groups. However, it is somewhat disquieting that a time limit for compensation is being imposed given that there is no time limit on the pain and suffering of victims. People cope in different ways and need varying lengths of time to deal with their grief and pain. Some have been slow to come forward as a result of personal problems or a lack of awareness that the institution in which they resided is included or that the board’s remit extends beyond the consideration of those who suffered sexual abuse.
The Kennedy report was published in 1970, but some of the institutions dealt with it in that report continued in operation until 1990. It is horrifying to realise that people continued to suffer long after the suffering should have been brought to an end. The Cloyne report makes the same point, that procedures were in place but were not used, with the result that more people suffered needlessly.
Another disturbing aspect of this issue is the extent of the contribution from the religious orders. The question of the inclusion of the Bethany institution must also be dealt with to the satisfaction of those who resided there. The proposals regarding the residential institution statutory fund are a cause for concern.
The Minister states that it should target resources at services to support former residents’ needs - counselling, psychological services, mental health services, education, housing etc. While that is positive for many, there are some who are critical of this and their views must be considered also. I understand there is a petition on this. We must listen to those who are hurt. We cannot be judge and jury on what is good for them. We cannot make them fit into our neat box of recovery. The trust fund may be the mechanism needed for many survivors, but we have to listen to those whose needs are not being addressed by it.
I cannot speak on this Bill today without referring to the Justice for Magdalenes group. I wish to acknowledge the painstaking work of the group with Dr. Jane Smith and others. These women endured abusive and degrading treatment and I sincerely hope that the recent decision will bring about what the Justice for Magdalenes group has been requesting for many years and for far too long. Central to that is the principle of restorative justice and a failure by our institutions to protect the constitutional and human rights of citizens. These women can never be compensated adequately. They are owed so much and it is time to take this matter in hand.
I ask that this institution and the religious institutions do what is right by those who have suffered.
Those who survived these institutions continue to live with the trauma and are scarred in many ways by their experience. Of course there are some who managed to move on and are leading fulfilling lives, but many others are barely coping. Some have ended up homeless, for example, or have turned to alcohol and drugs to cope with their pain. Some have become abusive themselves in their own relationships, have accrued massive debts or have even chosen to end their lives. However, the pain does not stop with those who directly experienced abuse. In the north inner city we are seeing the impact on the next generation, with the children of abused survivors equally turning to drugs, alcohol and suicide.
Reading the Cloyne and other reports, it is understandable that those who were abused might wish for all priests, nuns and religious brothers to be wiped off the face of the earth. However, it is important to acknowledge the good work done by people in religious life, both in this country and abroad. One need only consider the activities of Br. Kevin Crowley and Fr. Peter McVerry in looking after the homeless in this city or Sr. Concilio’s work with those battling addiction. As someone who was taught by a religious order and has worked with members of religious orders, I find it difficult to comprehend how some of their number will not accept and acknowledge what was done in the past by their congregations and that instead of doing what is right by those who suffered horribly, they are hiding behind loopholes and legal jargon.
The redress board was set up with good intentions to make fair and reasonable awards to persons who were abused as children in residential institutions. The list of institutions is extensive, but we must acknowledge that not all residents were abused and that there were some who experienced kindness and support. Nevertheless, the board’s findings have been very disturbing, with revelations that young children were put into these institutions for the most flimsy of reasons such as being born out of marriage, being orphaned or having missed school. Also disturbing is the amount paid to legal firms for their services to the board. I am not questioning the need for legal expertise, but the amounts involved are staggering, with some firms earning millions from their work. Equally, without taking from their work, a daily rate of €800 for board members is mind-boggling.
The word “redress” means to remedy or rectify a wrong and grievance; to readjust or set straight; to make reparation; or to restore equality. No legislation, no system and no amount of money can do all of that. I wonder whether we can ever remedy, rectify, readjust or set straight the harm done to these people. Can we as a society ever make adequate reparation for the wrong done? Applying to the redress board means opening up painful wounds and, for some, this has been a positive process. For others, however, the ordeal is too much. I have met survivors whose pain is being exacerbated by the media coverage. I was particularly saddened on meeting a man who was horrifically abused and whose only escape or relief is watching television. The coverage of the various abuse scandals brought everything back to him and I am sure the latest reports are once again depriving him of his only means of escape.
In 2005, the Government, in response to calls from groups representing victims of institutional abuse, extended the deadline for the receipt of applications for compensation. The proposal in this Bill to set a new deadline is supported by some of these groups. However, it is somewhat disquieting that a time limit for compensation is being imposed given that there is no time limit on the pain and suffering of victims. People cope in different ways and need varying lengths of time to deal with their grief and pain. Some have been slow to come forward as a result of personal problems or a lack of awareness that the institution in which they resided is included or that the board’s remit extends beyond the consideration of those who suffered sexual abuse.
The Kennedy report was published in 1970, but some of the institutions dealt with it in that report continued in operation until 1990. It is horrifying to realise that people continued to suffer long after the suffering should have been brought to an end. The Cloyne report makes the same point, that procedures were in place but were not used, with the result that more people suffered needlessly.
Another disturbing aspect of this issue is the extent of the contribution from the religious orders. The question of the inclusion of the Bethany institution must also be dealt with to the satisfaction of those who resided there. The proposals regarding the residential institution statutory fund are a cause for concern.
The Minister states that it should target resources at services to support former residents’ needs - counselling, psychological services, mental health services, education, housing etc. While that is positive for many, there are some who are critical of this and their views must be considered also. I understand there is a petition on this. We must listen to those who are hurt. We cannot be judge and jury on what is good for them. We cannot make them fit into our neat box of recovery. The trust fund may be the mechanism needed for many survivors, but we have to listen to those whose needs are not being addressed by it.
I cannot speak on this Bill today without referring to the Justice for Magdalenes group. I wish to acknowledge the painstaking work of the group with Dr. Jane Smith and others. These women endured abusive and degrading treatment and I sincerely hope that the recent decision will bring about what the Justice for Magdalenes group has been requesting for many years and for far too long. Central to that is the principle of restorative justice and a failure by our institutions to protect the constitutional and human rights of citizens. These women can never be compensated adequately. They are owed so much and it is time to take this matter in hand.
I ask that this institution and the religious institutions do what is right by those who have suffered.
13 July Special Educational Needs: Motion (Resumed)
Central to the issue we are discussing, namely, the education of children with special needs, is the core principle of integration and inclusiveness in our education system and that we support a system which includes children with special needs - physical, mental or both - Traveller children and foreign national children.
There are children with special needs who in the past have gone to special schools or to units within those schools. I want to recognise the great work being done by the St. Michael’s House schools and schools like the one for the visually impaired on Gracepark Road. Those schools and those units must maintain the current levels of funding.
However, in the past decade or so, and longer in some cases, in schools such as my own school, St. Mary’s, Baldoyle, there has been an acceptance of the philosophy of integration to include all students with special needs. That philosophy is included in the Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs Act 2004 which states: “wherever possible, [the education of people with special needs shall] take place in an inclusive environment with those who do not have such needs, to provide that people with special educational needs shall have the same right to avail of and benefit from appropriate education as do their peers who do not have such needs”. The Education Act 1998 contains a commitment to “a level and quality of education appropriate to meeting the needs and abilities” of citizens. In that regard we have the theory, the philosophy, the policy and the legislation and all of that must be honoured.
The special needs assistant scheme dates back to the introduction of child care assistants which came about in the 1979-80 school year. That acknowledged that there were children who needed extra support if they were to realise their potential, especially in classes of more than 20. The system of providing for children with special needs requires a radical overhaul and the first step is to put the needs of the individual child at the core.
The Department of Education Circular 07/02 states that the duties of the SNA sanctioned by the Department are of a non-teaching nature. I wish to make two points on that. The SNA is in the classroom with a child. The child is struggling to understand an idea, a concept, a sum or a word. In theory, the SNA should say, “I cannot help you; that is not a care need” but I have seen the work of SNAs who have the total care of the child central to their work, and total care means physical, emotional, intellectual and educational.
In recent years the PLCs have introduced courses to equip special needs assistants with the knowledge and skills they need and in that regard I dispute the concept of limiting the work of the special needs assistant purely to care.
In my teaching years I have also seen the difference an SNA makes to the child and in the majority of cases they go beyond the remit of the role. Some children will need a full-time assistant, others a part-time assistant. For others it may be temporary or the needs could be reduced over the course of the time the child is in school. It all depends on the needs of the child, and that is where the emphasis must be placed. The needs of the child should determine the system, not the other way around.
Regarding other aspects I believe must be part of the overhaul, if the SNA is absent, what happens to the child? It has happened that the child may be asked to stay at home and not come to school. If the child with special needs is absent, what does the assistant do in those circumstances? Flexibility is needed and, unfortunately, our system is much too rigid. That also applies to schools which are over quota. The child with the SNA who has special needs is still in that school, regardless of the quota position.
The school I taught in was totally inclusive. We had Traveller children, children with special needs - mental and physical - and foreign national children. All were welcome. We used the resources we had within ourselves and within our school to work with those children to the best of our abilities. I resent those schools that say they cannot take a child with special needs because they do not have the resources. The Department of Education and Skills figures consistently show provision for special needs and other minority pupils is glaringly absent in many fee paying schools.
The Department has found €100 million for fee paying schools. It also found capital payment for fee paying schools while we are causing such stress and grief to parents of special needs children in realising the needs of their children.
Parents of special needs children need support and assurances that the needs of their children will be met by the State and not threatened by the State. Special needs covers a wide spectrum as Members are aware. The work of the special educational needs organiser, SENO, with parental and teacher involvement, is vital in determining the needs of the child.
On a purely economic level, if these cuts come in they will impact on the other children in the classroom. The SNA will be going on social welfare. If we support these children now in equipping them for the future, in many cases they will not be dependent on the State.
There are children with special needs who in the past have gone to special schools or to units within those schools. I want to recognise the great work being done by the St. Michael’s House schools and schools like the one for the visually impaired on Gracepark Road. Those schools and those units must maintain the current levels of funding.
However, in the past decade or so, and longer in some cases, in schools such as my own school, St. Mary’s, Baldoyle, there has been an acceptance of the philosophy of integration to include all students with special needs. That philosophy is included in the Education for Persons with Special Educational Needs Act 2004 which states: “wherever possible, [the education of people with special needs shall] take place in an inclusive environment with those who do not have such needs, to provide that people with special educational needs shall have the same right to avail of and benefit from appropriate education as do their peers who do not have such needs”. The Education Act 1998 contains a commitment to “a level and quality of education appropriate to meeting the needs and abilities” of citizens. In that regard we have the theory, the philosophy, the policy and the legislation and all of that must be honoured.
The special needs assistant scheme dates back to the introduction of child care assistants which came about in the 1979-80 school year. That acknowledged that there were children who needed extra support if they were to realise their potential, especially in classes of more than 20. The system of providing for children with special needs requires a radical overhaul and the first step is to put the needs of the individual child at the core.
The Department of Education Circular 07/02 states that the duties of the SNA sanctioned by the Department are of a non-teaching nature. I wish to make two points on that. The SNA is in the classroom with a child. The child is struggling to understand an idea, a concept, a sum or a word. In theory, the SNA should say, “I cannot help you; that is not a care need” but I have seen the work of SNAs who have the total care of the child central to their work, and total care means physical, emotional, intellectual and educational.
In recent years the PLCs have introduced courses to equip special needs assistants with the knowledge and skills they need and in that regard I dispute the concept of limiting the work of the special needs assistant purely to care.
In my teaching years I have also seen the difference an SNA makes to the child and in the majority of cases they go beyond the remit of the role. Some children will need a full-time assistant, others a part-time assistant. For others it may be temporary or the needs could be reduced over the course of the time the child is in school. It all depends on the needs of the child, and that is where the emphasis must be placed. The needs of the child should determine the system, not the other way around.
Regarding other aspects I believe must be part of the overhaul, if the SNA is absent, what happens to the child? It has happened that the child may be asked to stay at home and not come to school. If the child with special needs is absent, what does the assistant do in those circumstances? Flexibility is needed and, unfortunately, our system is much too rigid. That also applies to schools which are over quota. The child with the SNA who has special needs is still in that school, regardless of the quota position.
The school I taught in was totally inclusive. We had Traveller children, children with special needs - mental and physical - and foreign national children. All were welcome. We used the resources we had within ourselves and within our school to work with those children to the best of our abilities. I resent those schools that say they cannot take a child with special needs because they do not have the resources. The Department of Education and Skills figures consistently show provision for special needs and other minority pupils is glaringly absent in many fee paying schools.
The Department has found €100 million for fee paying schools. It also found capital payment for fee paying schools while we are causing such stress and grief to parents of special needs children in realising the needs of their children.
Parents of special needs children need support and assurances that the needs of their children will be met by the State and not threatened by the State. Special needs covers a wide spectrum as Members are aware. The work of the special educational needs organiser, SENO, with parental and teacher involvement, is vital in determining the needs of the child.
On a purely economic level, if these cuts come in they will impact on the other children in the classroom. The SNA will be going on social welfare. If we support these children now in equipping them for the future, in many cases they will not be dependent on the State.
Defence (Amendment) Bill 2011 [Seanad] Second Stage Wednesday, 13 July 2011
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I note the Defence (Amendment) Bill 2011 seeks to expand the candidature for appointment to two posts, military judge and director of military prosecutions, to individuals who are not members of the Defence Forces and to increase the potential pool of qualified personnel who can be appointed. It also provides that a Circuit Court judge can perform the functions of the military judge where the military judge is not available. The Bill must be looked at in the light of recent changes in military justice and the modernisation of the Defences Forces is central to this.
The military court system is provided for in Bunreacht na hÉireann and a radical overhaul came about in 2007, which revised disciplinary provisions of previous Acts and implemented a new system of military justice. I find the terms “military justice” quite strange because justice is justice. Why is there a need to call it military justice? Does this or could this give rise to doctors’ justice, teachers’ justice or bus drivers’ justice? Why the need for military justice separate from our justice system? The Library and Research Service looked at the European Convention on Human Rights which states that everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by the law. Why is there a need for a separate judicial system for members of the Defences Forces? This appears to come down to a recognition that military justice is different due to the unique position of the military and the greater demands placed on soldiers, which are more than demanded of any other category of person in the State. Now we are told there is a need to protect the structure and discipline that is vital in the military and that there are offences in military law not found in the civilian environment, for example, absence without leave. I find it difficult to accept that a soldier absent without leave is different from any other member of society not being present to perform his or her vital duties. Seemingly, according to Judge Carroll, it comes to obedience to commands being integrated into a soldier’s existence.
Maintenance of good order and discipline is a key element in Army life and it further comes down to the soldier’s principal role in defending national security where he or she may be called upon to put their lives on the line or to entrust their lives to fellow soldiers. It seems that breaches of discipline in the Army are more catastrophic than breaches of discipline in any other walk of life. If we talk about military law and military justice being separate and distinct from civil law and justice, I find that alarming.
Any member of the State, military or otherwise, is entitled to justice, to a fair and open trial with judges who are impartial. How impartial is a military judge when it comes to breaches of discipline in the military when his whole life has been dedicated to maintaining that discipline above any other consideration? We talk about the integrity of our District, Circuit, High and Supreme courts. That same integrity must be central to military courts also.
If we look at the White Paper on Defence, the goal was to ensure that the State had a modern defence force. I also want to pay tribute to our Defence Forces on their overseas missions, where they are held in very high regard on peacekeeping missions. Their respect for the native people in those areas has been acknowledged, as has their engagement and interaction there. Within Ireland the role of the Air Corps in rescue operations and our Naval Service in patrolling our waters has been acknowledged. Going back to the White Paper, certain reforms were set out, downsizing and transforming it into a more effective force and supposedly bringing about savings. We can see from the statistics the significant drop in numbers. I know this is disappointing for many young men and women who are interested in joining the Defence Forces. I hope that interest will continue.
Expanding the candidature for appointment, which will increase the potential pool of qualified personnel, makes sense, as does the section which permits the Circuit Court to perform functions of the military judge in certain circumstances. There are times when additional support is needed for an alterative. What is being proposed for Ireland has happened in other countries, such as Australia and Britain where civil and legal principles and standards are applied to aspects of the military legal process. I agree with the system that operates in Australia, where a committee set up to investigate this area criticised the existing military discipline system and recommended major change to ensure “independence and impartiality in the military justice system”. Our Defence Forces deserve that independence and impartiality, but I note the story is not over yet in Australia.
Going back to our Defence Forces, according to the Minister for Defence they are primarily deployed on overseas missions in support of international peace and security under the UN mandate. We are, in theory at least, a neutral country, so why is Shannon Airport being used by US troops in the way it has been since the Iraq war? Our troops are on peacekeeping missions while our airport is being used by a country on aggressive action, using horrendous methods of torture on those taken prisoner. It is time to stop Shannon Airport being used in this way. Another issue is the amount of Garda resources being expended to control peaceful demonstrations. It appears under the current Government that there has been an increase in the numbers of gardaí involved in that regard.
I am interested in the presence of seven members of our Permanent Defence Force in Afghanistan, three in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, two in the Ivory Coast and five in Somalia, training Somalian security forces. This is a token military presence in countries which have appalling records on human rights issues and I wonder about the role of our troops there.
The Minister stated that discipline is the essence of military force and referred to what he termed the unique code of discipline in the Army necessary to support operational effectiveness, but also to be fair to the individual. The Bill is technical in nature, and it is sensible given the limited number of qualified personnel in the Permanent Defence Force available for these jobs. I was alarmed to read about the personal situation and the speculation regarding a particular individual but I will take the Minister’s word - rightly or wrongly - that, as he stated, this legislation is in the public interest and in the interest of both the Defence Forces and the individuals who are awaiting the determination of their cases. I believe our Defence Forces deserve a high standard in the courts.
The military court system is provided for in Bunreacht na hÉireann and a radical overhaul came about in 2007, which revised disciplinary provisions of previous Acts and implemented a new system of military justice. I find the terms “military justice” quite strange because justice is justice. Why is there a need to call it military justice? Does this or could this give rise to doctors’ justice, teachers’ justice or bus drivers’ justice? Why the need for military justice separate from our justice system? The Library and Research Service looked at the European Convention on Human Rights which states that everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by the law. Why is there a need for a separate judicial system for members of the Defences Forces? This appears to come down to a recognition that military justice is different due to the unique position of the military and the greater demands placed on soldiers, which are more than demanded of any other category of person in the State. Now we are told there is a need to protect the structure and discipline that is vital in the military and that there are offences in military law not found in the civilian environment, for example, absence without leave. I find it difficult to accept that a soldier absent without leave is different from any other member of society not being present to perform his or her vital duties. Seemingly, according to Judge Carroll, it comes to obedience to commands being integrated into a soldier’s existence.
Maintenance of good order and discipline is a key element in Army life and it further comes down to the soldier’s principal role in defending national security where he or she may be called upon to put their lives on the line or to entrust their lives to fellow soldiers. It seems that breaches of discipline in the Army are more catastrophic than breaches of discipline in any other walk of life. If we talk about military law and military justice being separate and distinct from civil law and justice, I find that alarming.
Any member of the State, military or otherwise, is entitled to justice, to a fair and open trial with judges who are impartial. How impartial is a military judge when it comes to breaches of discipline in the military when his whole life has been dedicated to maintaining that discipline above any other consideration? We talk about the integrity of our District, Circuit, High and Supreme courts. That same integrity must be central to military courts also.
If we look at the White Paper on Defence, the goal was to ensure that the State had a modern defence force. I also want to pay tribute to our Defence Forces on their overseas missions, where they are held in very high regard on peacekeeping missions. Their respect for the native people in those areas has been acknowledged, as has their engagement and interaction there. Within Ireland the role of the Air Corps in rescue operations and our Naval Service in patrolling our waters has been acknowledged. Going back to the White Paper, certain reforms were set out, downsizing and transforming it into a more effective force and supposedly bringing about savings. We can see from the statistics the significant drop in numbers. I know this is disappointing for many young men and women who are interested in joining the Defence Forces. I hope that interest will continue.
Expanding the candidature for appointment, which will increase the potential pool of qualified personnel, makes sense, as does the section which permits the Circuit Court to perform functions of the military judge in certain circumstances. There are times when additional support is needed for an alterative. What is being proposed for Ireland has happened in other countries, such as Australia and Britain where civil and legal principles and standards are applied to aspects of the military legal process. I agree with the system that operates in Australia, where a committee set up to investigate this area criticised the existing military discipline system and recommended major change to ensure “independence and impartiality in the military justice system”. Our Defence Forces deserve that independence and impartiality, but I note the story is not over yet in Australia.
Going back to our Defence Forces, according to the Minister for Defence they are primarily deployed on overseas missions in support of international peace and security under the UN mandate. We are, in theory at least, a neutral country, so why is Shannon Airport being used by US troops in the way it has been since the Iraq war? Our troops are on peacekeeping missions while our airport is being used by a country on aggressive action, using horrendous methods of torture on those taken prisoner. It is time to stop Shannon Airport being used in this way. Another issue is the amount of Garda resources being expended to control peaceful demonstrations. It appears under the current Government that there has been an increase in the numbers of gardaí involved in that regard.
I am interested in the presence of seven members of our Permanent Defence Force in Afghanistan, three in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, two in the Ivory Coast and five in Somalia, training Somalian security forces. This is a token military presence in countries which have appalling records on human rights issues and I wonder about the role of our troops there.
The Minister stated that discipline is the essence of military force and referred to what he termed the unique code of discipline in the Army necessary to support operational effectiveness, but also to be fair to the individual. The Bill is technical in nature, and it is sensible given the limited number of qualified personnel in the Permanent Defence Force available for these jobs. I was alarmed to read about the personal situation and the speculation regarding a particular individual but I will take the Minister’s word - rightly or wrongly - that, as he stated, this legislation is in the public interest and in the interest of both the Defence Forces and the individuals who are awaiting the determination of their cases. I believe our Defence Forces deserve a high standard in the courts.
12 July Priority Question on setting up Missing Child Hotline
Maureen O'Sullivan To ask the Minsiter for Children & Youth Affairs when funding will be released to enable Ireland to implement the Europe wide missing children’s hotline; and the reason for the delays in the number being fully implemented here? [19976/11]
Deputy Frances Fitzgerald: I thank Deputy O’Sullivan for tabling this question. The European Commission Decision of February 2007 harmonised numbers for services of social value on the 116 number range. ComReg is the competent national regulatory authority in Ireland responsible for assigning 116 numbers to prospective service providers. ComReg has informed me that the numbers 116111 and 116123 were assigned to Childline and the Samaritans after consultation with the Department of Health and Children and that the 116000 number has been set aside as a missing children hotline. The 116000 hotline service operates on two levels, namely, the reporting of a missing child to the relevant authorities, that is, the Garda, and the provision of emotional support to parents of missing children. The 116000 service is currently active in 11 of the 27 EU member states. Funding for the provision of the 116000 service relates not only to call costs but also to the resourcing of a 24 hours a day, seven days a week operation. How to finance and provide this service has been a significant issue in all member states.
The introduction of a missing children’s hotline has been the subject of discussions between my Department, other Departments and prospective service providers, including NGOs. In particular, the notification of a missing child is a matter for the Garda Síochána and accordingly I am in contact with my colleague, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Defence, Deputy Shatter, in seeking to jointly achieve the establishment of this service. Different costings for such a service have been calculated by NGOs interested in providing the service. Obviously, in the current financial situation, it is essential that the most economic approach possible be taken to providing any service. I hope that with a partnership approach we can achieve a cost-effective solution in respect of the implementation of this EU initiative.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I thank the Minister for her reply. Like Deputy Ó Caoláin, I welcome the establishment of this new Ministry dedicated to children. The issue of missing children is probably central to its work.
In a reply to a previous question, the Minister referred to having the interests of children at heart. Everyone is aware that in the case of a missing child, the first 24 hours are vital. The family of Madeleine McCann obtained a high profile in respect of that matter. Thousands of children go missing each day. Significant numbers of unaccompanied minors, particularly those from other jurisdictions, go missing in this country. Do I take it that the Minister is actively seeking the necessary resources to allow this missing children hotline to be put into operation in the near future?
Deputy Frances Fitzgerald: I cannot provide the Deputy with a timeframe but I certainly want the hotline to be established. It has not been established up to now. Since taking office I have initiated discussions in respect of it. In that context, I have discussed the matter with one of the NGOs that might be interested in providing the service. It is estimated that it will take approximately €120,000 to set up and that a minimum of €80,000 will be required each year for its operation.
I understand the Deputy’s concern with regard to unaccompanied children who went missing from various hostels in the past. Such children no longer stay in hostels. The Garda Síochána previously ran a similar telephone line but because few, if any, calls were received, this was discontinued. A number of issues arise with regard to the best use of resources. There is an obligation on us at EU level to put a telephone hotline of this nature in place. I want to ensure that we will provide it but there are issues regarding its use, publicising its existence and supporting it financially. I am pursuing the matter and I hope to be in a position to report progress on it at some point in the near future.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: A couple of years ago the dial to stop drug dealing campaign was established and a freefone number was provided. The latter has been very successful and has led to significant developments in the area of dealing with illegal drugs. This is an example of a freefone line which does work
Deputy Frances Fitzgerald: I thank Deputy O’Sullivan for tabling this question. The European Commission Decision of February 2007 harmonised numbers for services of social value on the 116 number range. ComReg is the competent national regulatory authority in Ireland responsible for assigning 116 numbers to prospective service providers. ComReg has informed me that the numbers 116111 and 116123 were assigned to Childline and the Samaritans after consultation with the Department of Health and Children and that the 116000 number has been set aside as a missing children hotline. The 116000 hotline service operates on two levels, namely, the reporting of a missing child to the relevant authorities, that is, the Garda, and the provision of emotional support to parents of missing children. The 116000 service is currently active in 11 of the 27 EU member states. Funding for the provision of the 116000 service relates not only to call costs but also to the resourcing of a 24 hours a day, seven days a week operation. How to finance and provide this service has been a significant issue in all member states.
The introduction of a missing children’s hotline has been the subject of discussions between my Department, other Departments and prospective service providers, including NGOs. In particular, the notification of a missing child is a matter for the Garda Síochána and accordingly I am in contact with my colleague, the Minister for Justice, Equality and Defence, Deputy Shatter, in seeking to jointly achieve the establishment of this service. Different costings for such a service have been calculated by NGOs interested in providing the service. Obviously, in the current financial situation, it is essential that the most economic approach possible be taken to providing any service. I hope that with a partnership approach we can achieve a cost-effective solution in respect of the implementation of this EU initiative.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: I thank the Minister for her reply. Like Deputy Ó Caoláin, I welcome the establishment of this new Ministry dedicated to children. The issue of missing children is probably central to its work.
In a reply to a previous question, the Minister referred to having the interests of children at heart. Everyone is aware that in the case of a missing child, the first 24 hours are vital. The family of Madeleine McCann obtained a high profile in respect of that matter. Thousands of children go missing each day. Significant numbers of unaccompanied minors, particularly those from other jurisdictions, go missing in this country. Do I take it that the Minister is actively seeking the necessary resources to allow this missing children hotline to be put into operation in the near future?
Deputy Frances Fitzgerald: I cannot provide the Deputy with a timeframe but I certainly want the hotline to be established. It has not been established up to now. Since taking office I have initiated discussions in respect of it. In that context, I have discussed the matter with one of the NGOs that might be interested in providing the service. It is estimated that it will take approximately €120,000 to set up and that a minimum of €80,000 will be required each year for its operation.
I understand the Deputy’s concern with regard to unaccompanied children who went missing from various hostels in the past. Such children no longer stay in hostels. The Garda Síochána previously ran a similar telephone line but because few, if any, calls were received, this was discontinued. A number of issues arise with regard to the best use of resources. There is an obligation on us at EU level to put a telephone hotline of this nature in place. I want to ensure that we will provide it but there are issues regarding its use, publicising its existence and supporting it financially. I am pursuing the matter and I hope to be in a position to report progress on it at some point in the near future.
Deputy Maureen O’Sullivan: A couple of years ago the dial to stop drug dealing campaign was established and a freefone number was provided. The latter has been very successful and has led to significant developments in the area of dealing with illegal drugs. This is an example of a freefone line which does work
Week beginning 27th June
My main news for this week is that I am going to Zambia, Africa with a group of students and teachers, from my old school, 'St. Mary's Baldoyle' which has been fund-raising for a school in Lusaka - part of my contribution was to run a quiz a few weeks ago.
I thought long and hard as I will be missing Dáil business - in fact only 4 Dáil days as it turns out - but having been supportive of our development aid budget, on Foreign Affairs committee in last and this Dáil, also part of 'AWEPA', I thought I would regret not taking this opportunity.
We will be working in a school for orphans but I hope to see one or two other projects while I am there. We are staying in a hostel in Lusaka and will also get the chance to travel on one of the weekends.
It will be manic when I get back catching up as my phone does not have coverage in Zambia, no internet connection in hostel so I am hoping for an internet cafe somewhere.
I am sorry I will miss James Smith, 'Justice for Magdalenes', as he will be in Ireland when I am away.
