Dáil Contributions November 2013
Maureen spoke to - Motion on Promissory Note Bond Rep[ayment; Ireland's Exit from Bail Out; Youth Employment Motion; EU Bio-Fuel Cap; Alcohol in Sports Sponsorship; Flouridation Repeal Bill; Finance Bill 2013 2nd Stage; Question on Royal Canal Bridges; Question on Defence Force Reserve Review; Cannabis Regulation Motion; Topical Issue on Magdalene Laundries' Survivors
Click on images to hear Maureen speaking and scroll down this page to see the full texts of those contributions, written questions & answers.
Click on images to hear Maureen speaking and scroll down this page to see the full texts of those contributions, written questions & answers.
26 November Overseas Development Aid Oversight Mozambique - Dáil Reply
143. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will provide a breakdown of the €9.023 million given by Irish Aid in 2012 to Mozambique under the heading general budget support; if he will provide a breakdown of exactly where the money was spent; the level of parliamentary oversight the Mozambique Government has in relation to this funding; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50644/13]
144. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will provide a breakdown of the €15.223 million given for health, HIV and AIDS purposes in Mozambique; if he will provide a breakdown of the €5.593 million given towards education in Mozambique and the €1.782 million to agriculture; the amount that was given directly to the Mozambique Government; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50645/13]
Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Joe Costello): I propose to take Questions Nos. 143 and 144 together.
Mozambique is one of the nine key partner countries for the Government’s development cooperation programme, where we have a commitment to long term strategic assistance. Ireland’s bilateral aid programme to Mozambique is governed by a five year country strategy (2012–16). The goal of the programme is to support sustainable, inclusive, development, and to contribute to the reduction of poverty and vulnerability in Mozambique. Under this strategy, Ireland has committed to working with a range of partners to deliver our assistance, including the Government of Mozambique, international institutions, non-governmental organisations, civil society and research bodies. The attached table provides the breakdown of Ireland’s support to Mozambique.
Ireland cooperates with other donors in providing support to the Government of Mozambique through a number of different funding channels: general budget support, the education common fund, the land fund for agriculture, and – in a partnership with the Clinton Health Access Initiative – the health common fund. In 2012, approximately 80% of Irish bilateral assistance to Mozambique was delivered through Government systems. An important objective is to support the development of key public services and to strengthen the capacity of the administration to deliver these services to Mozambican citizens.
Funds delivered through Mozambican Government systems are subject to a series of checks. The Mozambican Government makes available to donors the full details of its budget, including its quarterly and annual financial execution reports, six-monthly progress reports and all audit reports. This includes State accounts audited by Mozambique’s supreme audit institution, the Tribunal Administrativo. In addition, donors, including Ireland, supplement the work of the Tribunal Administrativo through the use of commercial audit companies and through Public Financial Management reviews.
The Mozambican Parliament’s Planning and Budget Committee – which is chaired by the Honourable Eneas Comiche, who visited the Oireachtas last June – has oversight of the State budget, which is a mix of Mozambique’s own revenues and pooled international development funds. It also reviews audit reports from the Tribunal Administrativo on Government spending.
While Mozambique’s economy is growing fast, it still remains poor. Mozambique currently ranks 185 out of 187 countries in the UN Human Development Index. Over recent years, after a terrible civil war, with support from Ireland and other donors, Mozambique has made excellent progress to improve health outcomes, particularly for pregnant women and babies, and to increase the number of children attending primary school. However, considerable challenges remain, including high rates of mother-to-child transmission of HIV. While the numbers of children in school have increased, the Government recognises that more must be done to improve the quality of education.
Area Description Amount - €
143. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will provide a breakdown of the €9.023 million given by Irish Aid in 2012 to Mozambique under the heading general budget support; if he will provide a breakdown of exactly where the money was spent; the level of parliamentary oversight the Mozambique Government has in relation to this funding; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50644/13]
144. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will provide a breakdown of the €15.223 million given for health, HIV and AIDS purposes in Mozambique; if he will provide a breakdown of the €5.593 million given towards education in Mozambique and the €1.782 million to agriculture; the amount that was given directly to the Mozambique Government; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [50645/13]
Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Joe Costello): I propose to take Questions Nos. 143 and 144 together.
Mozambique is one of the nine key partner countries for the Government’s development cooperation programme, where we have a commitment to long term strategic assistance. Ireland’s bilateral aid programme to Mozambique is governed by a five year country strategy (2012–16). The goal of the programme is to support sustainable, inclusive, development, and to contribute to the reduction of poverty and vulnerability in Mozambique. Under this strategy, Ireland has committed to working with a range of partners to deliver our assistance, including the Government of Mozambique, international institutions, non-governmental organisations, civil society and research bodies. The attached table provides the breakdown of Ireland’s support to Mozambique.
Ireland cooperates with other donors in providing support to the Government of Mozambique through a number of different funding channels: general budget support, the education common fund, the land fund for agriculture, and – in a partnership with the Clinton Health Access Initiative – the health common fund. In 2012, approximately 80% of Irish bilateral assistance to Mozambique was delivered through Government systems. An important objective is to support the development of key public services and to strengthen the capacity of the administration to deliver these services to Mozambican citizens.
Funds delivered through Mozambican Government systems are subject to a series of checks. The Mozambican Government makes available to donors the full details of its budget, including its quarterly and annual financial execution reports, six-monthly progress reports and all audit reports. This includes State accounts audited by Mozambique’s supreme audit institution, the Tribunal Administrativo. In addition, donors, including Ireland, supplement the work of the Tribunal Administrativo through the use of commercial audit companies and through Public Financial Management reviews.
The Mozambican Parliament’s Planning and Budget Committee – which is chaired by the Honourable Eneas Comiche, who visited the Oireachtas last June – has oversight of the State budget, which is a mix of Mozambique’s own revenues and pooled international development funds. It also reviews audit reports from the Tribunal Administrativo on Government spending.
While Mozambique’s economy is growing fast, it still remains poor. Mozambique currently ranks 185 out of 187 countries in the UN Human Development Index. Over recent years, after a terrible civil war, with support from Ireland and other donors, Mozambique has made excellent progress to improve health outcomes, particularly for pregnant women and babies, and to increase the number of children attending primary school. However, considerable challenges remain, including high rates of mother-to-child transmission of HIV. While the numbers of children in school have increased, the Government recognises that more must be done to improve the quality of education.
Area Description Amount - €
19 November Overseas Development Aid Issues - Decent work as a human right - Dáil Reply
110. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will make decent work a priority of his Department in the post-2015 development agenda; his views on the remarks made by Mr Colin Wrafter at the Joint Committee for Foreign Affairs and Trade recently that decent work is a human right (UD, Article 23); if he supports the new Asia floor wage; and if he will promote this right in Africa, as the focus of so much of Ireland's aid and trade policies, where there is both accelerating industrialisation and intensive agriculture; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48871/13]
Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Joe Costello): Under Ireland's new policy for International Development – One World, One Future, the Government is committed to ensuring that economic development is compatible with human rights, including the right to decent work and our engagement in this area will be informed by, among other international standards, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. Ireland has been a consistent and strong supporter of the decent work agenda globally. And we have funded programmes related to this agenda in Asia and Africa for years. Since 2001 Ireland has had a partnership programme with the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Irish Aid support to the ILO has focused on providing greater opportunities for people in developing countries to secure decent employment and incomes. This programme has contributed substantially to livelihood improvement and poverty reduction, knowledge sharing and capacity development as well as influencing the development of workplace and employment policy. The programme has yielded encouraging results in a number of Irish Aid Key Partner Countries in Africa, such as building the capacity of National Labour Inspectorates, which has been supported through the programme in Zambia.
The right to decent work is among the key challenges which are informing on-going discussions on the Post-2015 Development Framework. Ireland has been and it will continue to be actively engaged in driving the post-2015 agenda, including through our participation in the Open Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals, where there have been very constructive discussions to date on the challenge of creating decent jobs to employ all those seeking work in developed and developing countries.
At the September UN High Level Event MDG Review, which the Tánaiste and I attended, global leaders launched a process of intergovernmental negotiations which will lead to the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda. Ireland will continue to engage actively in the process with a major focus on addressing issues of equality, social inclusion, decent work and the challenges of environmental sustainability and poverty eradication.
110. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will make decent work a priority of his Department in the post-2015 development agenda; his views on the remarks made by Mr Colin Wrafter at the Joint Committee for Foreign Affairs and Trade recently that decent work is a human right (UD, Article 23); if he supports the new Asia floor wage; and if he will promote this right in Africa, as the focus of so much of Ireland's aid and trade policies, where there is both accelerating industrialisation and intensive agriculture; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48871/13]
Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Joe Costello): Under Ireland's new policy for International Development – One World, One Future, the Government is committed to ensuring that economic development is compatible with human rights, including the right to decent work and our engagement in this area will be informed by, among other international standards, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights. Ireland has been a consistent and strong supporter of the decent work agenda globally. And we have funded programmes related to this agenda in Asia and Africa for years. Since 2001 Ireland has had a partnership programme with the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Irish Aid support to the ILO has focused on providing greater opportunities for people in developing countries to secure decent employment and incomes. This programme has contributed substantially to livelihood improvement and poverty reduction, knowledge sharing and capacity development as well as influencing the development of workplace and employment policy. The programme has yielded encouraging results in a number of Irish Aid Key Partner Countries in Africa, such as building the capacity of National Labour Inspectorates, which has been supported through the programme in Zambia.
The right to decent work is among the key challenges which are informing on-going discussions on the Post-2015 Development Framework. Ireland has been and it will continue to be actively engaged in driving the post-2015 agenda, including through our participation in the Open Working Group on Sustainable Development Goals, where there have been very constructive discussions to date on the challenge of creating decent jobs to employ all those seeking work in developed and developing countries.
At the September UN High Level Event MDG Review, which the Tánaiste and I attended, global leaders launched a process of intergovernmental negotiations which will lead to the adoption of the post-2015 development agenda. Ireland will continue to engage actively in the process with a major focus on addressing issues of equality, social inclusion, decent work and the challenges of environmental sustainability and poverty eradication.
19 November Tax Code One-Parent Family Tax Credit (OPFTC)
156. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Finance the reason his Department is supporting the one-parent tax credit cut that undermines the equal rights of children, discriminates against children living in separated units, enforces less favourable financial, social and emotional supports on these children than on all other children in our society; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48895/13]
Minister for Finance (Deputy Michael Noonan): As the Deputy is aware, the One-Parent Family Tax Credit (OPFTC) is being replaced with a new Single Person Child Carer Tax Credit from 1 January 2014. The Single Person Child Carer Tax Credit will be of the same value, i.e. €1,650, as the existing OPFTC and will also carry the same entitlement to the extended standard rate tax band of €36,800 per annum. The new credit will be targeted such that it is available only to the primary carer of the child. A maximum of one credit will be available per single carer/claimant, regardless of whether he or she cares for more than one child. This is the same condition that applies to the current OPFTC. Given the difficult fiscal environment it is essential to review all tax reliefs, credits and incentives in order to ensure that they are properly targeted and if necessary re-focused in order that they can achieve the socio-economic objectives that are set for them. A system that allows multiple claims in respect of the same child, as can happen with the OPFTC, is unsustainable.
The Commission on Taxation acknowledged that the One-Parent Family Tax Credit plays a role in supporting and incentivising the labour market participation of single and widowed parents. However, in its recommendations it concluded that the credit should be retained but that it should be allocated to the principal carer only. The restructuring of the credit will achieve such an outcome.
I should point out that, there is no specific tax credit for children in the Irish tax code; rather credits are applicable in respect of children in different circumstances and therefore the decision to replace the One-Parent Family tax Credit with the new Single Person Child Carer Tax Credit does not undermine the equal rights of children or discriminate against children living in separate units. If anything, the parents or guardians of such children will continue to be treated more favourably than others due to the availability of the new credit.
Notwithstanding the above, I have listened carefully to the views expressed by my colleagues and many Deputies in this matter and I will be bringing forward an amendment at Committee Stage, which will allow the credit to be used by a non-primary carer in situations, for example, where the primary carer has no tax liability.
156. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Finance the reason his Department is supporting the one-parent tax credit cut that undermines the equal rights of children, discriminates against children living in separated units, enforces less favourable financial, social and emotional supports on these children than on all other children in our society; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48895/13]
Minister for Finance (Deputy Michael Noonan): As the Deputy is aware, the One-Parent Family Tax Credit (OPFTC) is being replaced with a new Single Person Child Carer Tax Credit from 1 January 2014. The Single Person Child Carer Tax Credit will be of the same value, i.e. €1,650, as the existing OPFTC and will also carry the same entitlement to the extended standard rate tax band of €36,800 per annum. The new credit will be targeted such that it is available only to the primary carer of the child. A maximum of one credit will be available per single carer/claimant, regardless of whether he or she cares for more than one child. This is the same condition that applies to the current OPFTC. Given the difficult fiscal environment it is essential to review all tax reliefs, credits and incentives in order to ensure that they are properly targeted and if necessary re-focused in order that they can achieve the socio-economic objectives that are set for them. A system that allows multiple claims in respect of the same child, as can happen with the OPFTC, is unsustainable.
The Commission on Taxation acknowledged that the One-Parent Family Tax Credit plays a role in supporting and incentivising the labour market participation of single and widowed parents. However, in its recommendations it concluded that the credit should be retained but that it should be allocated to the principal carer only. The restructuring of the credit will achieve such an outcome.
I should point out that, there is no specific tax credit for children in the Irish tax code; rather credits are applicable in respect of children in different circumstances and therefore the decision to replace the One-Parent Family tax Credit with the new Single Person Child Carer Tax Credit does not undermine the equal rights of children or discriminate against children living in separate units. If anything, the parents or guardians of such children will continue to be treated more favourably than others due to the availability of the new credit.
Notwithstanding the above, I have listened carefully to the views expressed by my colleagues and many Deputies in this matter and I will be bringing forward an amendment at Committee Stage, which will allow the credit to be used by a non-primary carer in situations, for example, where the primary carer has no tax liability.
19 November Northern Ireland Issues Prisoners' Rights
100. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will provide an update on his discussions with Secretary of State Villiers and Minister Ford on prisoner rights in Northern Ireland jails; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48870/13]
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore): The Minister for Justice David Ford MLA and I have regular discussions about the situation in Northern Ireland. Since the 2010 agreement at Hillsborough, Minister Ford has responsibility for policing and criminal justice policy in Northern Ireland. In the post Hillsborough period, co-operation on Justice issues has gone from strength to strength and co-operation between the PSNI and an Garda Síochána is outstanding. The Government’s focus is to ensure that policing and justice systems which are in place in Northern Ireland are robust and consistent with the principles and values of the Good Friday Agreement and the other agreements for which we are co-guarantors.
Prisons policy, including the issue of prisoner rights, forms a central part of Minster’s Ford’s remit. An executive agency, namely the Northern Ireland Prison Service, implements prison policy and a Prisoner Ombudsman operates completely independently of the Northern Ireland Prison Service with full authority to investigate complaints from prisoners and visitors to prisoners in Northern Ireland as well as deaths in custody.
I agree with Minister Ford’s recent analysis that delivery of a reformed justice system, including the prison service, has a major part to play in building and protecting a more positive future for Northern Ireland. We believe that the full implementation of the 40 key recommendations made in a major report into prison reform by Dame Anne Owers is the best way to ensure that the rights of all prisoners are protected and that prison conditions are of an acceptable standard.
As the Deputy will be aware, I continue to raise with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, a small number of prisoner cases which have arisen from the exercise of certain non-devolved security powers. My officials in the British Irish Intergovernmental Secretariat keep me updated on developments related to such cases on an ongoing basis. In this context, I fully appreciate the ongoing contact between the Deputy and other members of the Oireachtas, who have a genuine interest in prison reform in Northern Ireland, with the relevant officials in my Department.
100. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will provide an update on his discussions with Secretary of State Villiers and Minister Ford on prisoner rights in Northern Ireland jails; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48870/13]
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore): The Minister for Justice David Ford MLA and I have regular discussions about the situation in Northern Ireland. Since the 2010 agreement at Hillsborough, Minister Ford has responsibility for policing and criminal justice policy in Northern Ireland. In the post Hillsborough period, co-operation on Justice issues has gone from strength to strength and co-operation between the PSNI and an Garda Síochána is outstanding. The Government’s focus is to ensure that policing and justice systems which are in place in Northern Ireland are robust and consistent with the principles and values of the Good Friday Agreement and the other agreements for which we are co-guarantors.
Prisons policy, including the issue of prisoner rights, forms a central part of Minster’s Ford’s remit. An executive agency, namely the Northern Ireland Prison Service, implements prison policy and a Prisoner Ombudsman operates completely independently of the Northern Ireland Prison Service with full authority to investigate complaints from prisoners and visitors to prisoners in Northern Ireland as well as deaths in custody.
I agree with Minister Ford’s recent analysis that delivery of a reformed justice system, including the prison service, has a major part to play in building and protecting a more positive future for Northern Ireland. We believe that the full implementation of the 40 key recommendations made in a major report into prison reform by Dame Anne Owers is the best way to ensure that the rights of all prisoners are protected and that prison conditions are of an acceptable standard.
As the Deputy will be aware, I continue to raise with the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Theresa Villiers, a small number of prisoner cases which have arisen from the exercise of certain non-devolved security powers. My officials in the British Irish Intergovernmental Secretariat keep me updated on developments related to such cases on an ongoing basis. In this context, I fully appreciate the ongoing contact between the Deputy and other members of the Oireachtas, who have a genuine interest in prison reform in Northern Ireland, with the relevant officials in my Department.
19 November Magdalene Laundries Issues - Those who live outside Ireland
504. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality the way recommendations and entitlements regarding health care needs of the survivors of the Magdalen laundries will be met, particularly for those who live outside the jurisdiction. [48860/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): Legislation is required in order to implement Judge Quirke's recommendation with regard to the provision of medical services to the women who were admitted to and worked in the relevant institutions. My Department, in consultation with the Department of Health, are working on the preparation of the necessary legislation. In line with the recommendation of Judge Quirke these services will provided in the State.
Magdalen Laundries Issues
505. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality if he will provide a breakdown of applications to the Magdalen laundries scheme following Justice Quirke's report and recommendations by country of residence. [48861/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): The following table sets out the breakdown of applications to the restorative justice ex-gratia scheme as recommended by Mr. Justice Quirke.
504. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality the way recommendations and entitlements regarding health care needs of the survivors of the Magdalen laundries will be met, particularly for those who live outside the jurisdiction. [48860/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): Legislation is required in order to implement Judge Quirke's recommendation with regard to the provision of medical services to the women who were admitted to and worked in the relevant institutions. My Department, in consultation with the Department of Health, are working on the preparation of the necessary legislation. In line with the recommendation of Judge Quirke these services will provided in the State.
Magdalen Laundries Issues
505. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality if he will provide a breakdown of applications to the Magdalen laundries scheme following Justice Quirke's report and recommendations by country of residence. [48861/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): The following table sets out the breakdown of applications to the restorative justice ex-gratia scheme as recommended by Mr. Justice Quirke.
19 November Human Rights Issues on Political Violence in Colombia - Dáil Reply
95. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he has had any discussions at multilateral or bilateral levels in relation to the imprisonment of Huber Balesteros and the recent murder of Caesar Garcia in Colombia; the actions he has taken to address the staggering levels of political violence in Colombia, directed in particular against trade unionists; the way in which he can recommend that these Houses ratify an EU trade agreement which has been shown to lack the mechanisms required to enforce its human rights clauses (details supplied); and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48868/13]
101. Deputy Seán Crowe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if his attention has been drawn to the recent negative developments in Colombia, with increased attacks on civil society organisers; and if he shares the widespread concern that they will impact negatively on the peace talks being held in Havana, Cuba. [48959/13]
111. Deputy Clare Daly asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will contact the Colombian authorities as a matter of urgency and demand an independent and rigorous investigation into the assassination of Cesar Garcia, a farmer and environmental activist opposed to the La Colosa gold mining project and demand that the safety and security of community activists who oppose this project is guaranteed. [48802/13]
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore): I propose to take Questions Nos. 95, 101 and 111 together.
I am aware of the arrest of Huber Ballesteros in August and of the recent killing of Cesar Garcia. I have asked my officials to follow closely developments in the judicial proceedings involving Mr Ballesteros, as well as the investigation into the killing of Mr Garcia.
When I met earlier this year with President Santos of Colombia, I raised human rights in Colombia, including my concerns regarding the situation of trade unionists. Ireland’s views were also raised at the Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review of Colombia last April.
Ireland, and the European Union, is following closely the situation of a number of trade union officials, including Mr Ballesteros. Respect for human rights, including the freedom of expression and of assembly, remain at the centre of the EU-Colombia dialogue. It is important that people in Colombia who engage peacefully in the political and social developments of their society can do so without fear of risks to their personal liberty or security. It is also important that all parties operate within the rule of law. In the interests of fostering conditions which support peace and sustainable development, I urge all involved to address issues of insecurity and to investigate fully serious incidents such as the killing of Mr Garcia.
President Santos and I also discussed the Colombian peace process. I welcome progress reached earlier this month on the issue of political participation. I wish the parties success in their discussions on the other important items on their agenda so that a final comprehensive peace agreement can be secured and an end brought to the long conflict in Colombia.
My colleague, the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation, noted in a reply to a Parliamentary Question on 5th November last that the trade agreement between the European Union and its Member States and Colombia and Peru was signed in June 2012 and has been provisionally applied with Colombia since 1st August 2013. Free trade agreements such as these are important in helping our ambitious and innovative exporters to build new markets. The trade agreement with Colombia and Peru can also contribute in a significant way to economic developments in those countries. Leveraging the most from this potential can best be done by supporting economic growth that is made sustainable through good governance in the form of respect for labour as well as environmental standards, and the full promotion and protection of human rights. The inclusion of significant clauses covering human rights, the environment, labour principles and rights, and sustainable development in the trade agreement with Colombia and Peru provide an important framework within which we can seek the best possible outcome from the interaction between trade, social and environmental standards.
Guided by our commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights, Ireland will continue to work closely with our EU partners to support peace in Colombia and to promote the progressive improvement of human rights standards.
95. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he has had any discussions at multilateral or bilateral levels in relation to the imprisonment of Huber Balesteros and the recent murder of Caesar Garcia in Colombia; the actions he has taken to address the staggering levels of political violence in Colombia, directed in particular against trade unionists; the way in which he can recommend that these Houses ratify an EU trade agreement which has been shown to lack the mechanisms required to enforce its human rights clauses (details supplied); and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48868/13]
101. Deputy Seán Crowe asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if his attention has been drawn to the recent negative developments in Colombia, with increased attacks on civil society organisers; and if he shares the widespread concern that they will impact negatively on the peace talks being held in Havana, Cuba. [48959/13]
111. Deputy Clare Daly asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade if he will contact the Colombian authorities as a matter of urgency and demand an independent and rigorous investigation into the assassination of Cesar Garcia, a farmer and environmental activist opposed to the La Colosa gold mining project and demand that the safety and security of community activists who oppose this project is guaranteed. [48802/13]
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore): I propose to take Questions Nos. 95, 101 and 111 together.
I am aware of the arrest of Huber Ballesteros in August and of the recent killing of Cesar Garcia. I have asked my officials to follow closely developments in the judicial proceedings involving Mr Ballesteros, as well as the investigation into the killing of Mr Garcia.
When I met earlier this year with President Santos of Colombia, I raised human rights in Colombia, including my concerns regarding the situation of trade unionists. Ireland’s views were also raised at the Human Rights Council Universal Periodic Review of Colombia last April.
Ireland, and the European Union, is following closely the situation of a number of trade union officials, including Mr Ballesteros. Respect for human rights, including the freedom of expression and of assembly, remain at the centre of the EU-Colombia dialogue. It is important that people in Colombia who engage peacefully in the political and social developments of their society can do so without fear of risks to their personal liberty or security. It is also important that all parties operate within the rule of law. In the interests of fostering conditions which support peace and sustainable development, I urge all involved to address issues of insecurity and to investigate fully serious incidents such as the killing of Mr Garcia.
President Santos and I also discussed the Colombian peace process. I welcome progress reached earlier this month on the issue of political participation. I wish the parties success in their discussions on the other important items on their agenda so that a final comprehensive peace agreement can be secured and an end brought to the long conflict in Colombia.
My colleague, the Minister for Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation, noted in a reply to a Parliamentary Question on 5th November last that the trade agreement between the European Union and its Member States and Colombia and Peru was signed in June 2012 and has been provisionally applied with Colombia since 1st August 2013. Free trade agreements such as these are important in helping our ambitious and innovative exporters to build new markets. The trade agreement with Colombia and Peru can also contribute in a significant way to economic developments in those countries. Leveraging the most from this potential can best be done by supporting economic growth that is made sustainable through good governance in the form of respect for labour as well as environmental standards, and the full promotion and protection of human rights. The inclusion of significant clauses covering human rights, the environment, labour principles and rights, and sustainable development in the trade agreement with Colombia and Peru provide an important framework within which we can seek the best possible outcome from the interaction between trade, social and environmental standards.
Guided by our commitment to the promotion and protection of human rights, Ireland will continue to work closely with our EU partners to support peace in Colombia and to promote the progressive improvement of human rights standards.
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27 November Dáil Motion Bond Repayments
Tá an-ionadh orm go bhfuil an méid argóinte agus conspóide ag baint leis an nGnó Comhaltaí Príobháideacha seo. Tá an rún atá os ár gcomhair an-simplí - níl i gceist ach ceist a chur. The motion is a very simple one. It is expressed in plain and non-threatening language. It is about putting a question, lobbying and asking for an exemption. It does not use the language of assertion or aggression. It is not threatening or demanding. It simply requests that we should look for something that, if granted, will be of substantial benefit to this country and its people. It is hard to understand the opposition to this simple request.
The naive side of me wonders whether the reason for the Government amendment is that it is already in negotiations on this matter. I hope this is the case, but I have to be realistic when I see that the amendment uses language like "a fairer and more sustainable arrangement", "the best outcome" and "the best course of action". In its use of a phrase like "the implications of not making such payments, or raising the possibility of refusing to make these payments", the amendment misses the whole point of the motion. It makes something of it that is not appropriate. The amendment also refers to "our European partners". In my view, the term "partners" suggests an equality between people, but instead of that we have a hard task master.
This master of domination is stifling our economy. The promissory notes have become sovereign bonds. It is difficult to understand why people thought a change of name meant there would be an actual change. It is not as if the Minister for Finance produced a magic wand to turn the odious promissory notes into magical sovereign bonds. I am reminded of Juliet's question:
What's in a name? That which we call a rose
By any other name would smell as sweet
Promissory bonds and sovereign bonds are the exact same. They are certainly not smelling as sweetly as roses do.
We know what we are talking about. We are talking about the billions euro that have been paid to date and the €25 billion that is outstanding. When the Central Bank sells that €25 billion worth of bonds, it will destroy the €25 billion it receives. Over the next 40 years, we will pay a total of €72 billion, when interest is included, to repay those billions which were originally used to bail out two insolvent banks. Apart from the injustice of this, it is ludicrous that we borrowed billions of euro in order to burn billions. Additional finances are necessary to deal with the health service, distressed mortgages, unemployment, emigration and housing problems. Some €15 million is being provided to local authorities to deal with housing voids. Dublin City Council could do with that full amount at the moment. I still do not think it would have enough money to cater for the housing needs in this city alone.
I am all for paying my just debts. I believe Ireland should pay its just debts. Ireland is paying for the incompetence and negligence of European institutions in relation to the euro. This is crippling the economy and inhibiting real growth. It is not our debt. Democracy suffered a blow yesterday in the form of the High Court judgment on Deputy Joan Collins's challenge. That judgment seemed to hinge on Article 17.2 of the Constitution, which requires that "no law shall be enacted, for the appropriation of revenue or other public moneys unless the purpose of the appropriation shall have been recommended to Dáil Éireann by a message from the Government signed by the Taoiseach". That is not my view of parliamentary democracy. It certainly makes a farce of everybody here and what we are doing here. It is something for the Convention on the Constitution to look at.
The motion before the House tonight is a tribute to democracy and the democratic will of the people, particularly as exercised by the members of the Ballyhea group. We have to acknowledge their perseverance and tenacity in doing the right thing by their country. They are not going to accept the damage that has been done. I would like to conclude by quoting Pope Francis's interesting comment that "as long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world's problems or, for that matter, to any problems".
Tá an-ionadh orm go bhfuil an méid argóinte agus conspóide ag baint leis an nGnó Comhaltaí Príobháideacha seo. Tá an rún atá os ár gcomhair an-simplí - níl i gceist ach ceist a chur. The motion is a very simple one. It is expressed in plain and non-threatening language. It is about putting a question, lobbying and asking for an exemption. It does not use the language of assertion or aggression. It is not threatening or demanding. It simply requests that we should look for something that, if granted, will be of substantial benefit to this country and its people. It is hard to understand the opposition to this simple request.
The naive side of me wonders whether the reason for the Government amendment is that it is already in negotiations on this matter. I hope this is the case, but I have to be realistic when I see that the amendment uses language like "a fairer and more sustainable arrangement", "the best outcome" and "the best course of action". In its use of a phrase like "the implications of not making such payments, or raising the possibility of refusing to make these payments", the amendment misses the whole point of the motion. It makes something of it that is not appropriate. The amendment also refers to "our European partners". In my view, the term "partners" suggests an equality between people, but instead of that we have a hard task master.
This master of domination is stifling our economy. The promissory notes have become sovereign bonds. It is difficult to understand why people thought a change of name meant there would be an actual change. It is not as if the Minister for Finance produced a magic wand to turn the odious promissory notes into magical sovereign bonds. I am reminded of Juliet's question:
What's in a name? That which we call a rose
By any other name would smell as sweet
Promissory bonds and sovereign bonds are the exact same. They are certainly not smelling as sweetly as roses do.
We know what we are talking about. We are talking about the billions euro that have been paid to date and the €25 billion that is outstanding. When the Central Bank sells that €25 billion worth of bonds, it will destroy the €25 billion it receives. Over the next 40 years, we will pay a total of €72 billion, when interest is included, to repay those billions which were originally used to bail out two insolvent banks. Apart from the injustice of this, it is ludicrous that we borrowed billions of euro in order to burn billions. Additional finances are necessary to deal with the health service, distressed mortgages, unemployment, emigration and housing problems. Some €15 million is being provided to local authorities to deal with housing voids. Dublin City Council could do with that full amount at the moment. I still do not think it would have enough money to cater for the housing needs in this city alone.
I am all for paying my just debts. I believe Ireland should pay its just debts. Ireland is paying for the incompetence and negligence of European institutions in relation to the euro. This is crippling the economy and inhibiting real growth. It is not our debt. Democracy suffered a blow yesterday in the form of the High Court judgment on Deputy Joan Collins's challenge. That judgment seemed to hinge on Article 17.2 of the Constitution, which requires that "no law shall be enacted, for the appropriation of revenue or other public moneys unless the purpose of the appropriation shall have been recommended to Dáil Éireann by a message from the Government signed by the Taoiseach". That is not my view of parliamentary democracy. It certainly makes a farce of everybody here and what we are doing here. It is something for the Convention on the Constitution to look at.
The motion before the House tonight is a tribute to democracy and the democratic will of the people, particularly as exercised by the members of the Ballyhea group. We have to acknowledge their perseverance and tenacity in doing the right thing by their country. They are not going to accept the damage that has been done. I would like to conclude by quoting Pope Francis's interesting comment that "as long as the problems of the poor are not radically resolved by rejecting the absolute autonomy of markets and financial speculation and by attacking the structural causes of inequality, no solution will be found for the world's problems or, for that matter, to any problems".
Listen to Maureen's speech
20 November Dáil Motion Ireland's Exit from EU IMF Programme (Bail Out)
Bhíos ag smaoineamh ar cén saghas comparáid a dhéanfainn i gcóir an díospóireacht anocht agus bheartaigh mé ar chomparáid a dhéanamh le príosún. When we think about prisons, people go into them and there is an idea that they are either about incarcerating for punishment or, alternatively, rehabilitation. A person coming from prison might emerge in a crumpled suit or worn tracksuit carrying possessions in either a battered suitcase or a plastic bag. In many cases they face homelessness and unemployment. Some leave prison with a plan or a programme for recovery and entering society again, where they wish to play a role. One must ask the question of which scenario is applicable to us as we emerge from this prison of the bailout. Depending on one's perspective, our jailers - the troika - were either benevolent or malevolent. Leaving jail is of course a positive act and leaving the bailout must be acknowledged as a positive development, although many of us might think we should not have been in that position in the first place. It is rather ironic that those who brought the country into this scenario have not punished in any way whatever.
Certain economists tell us the Government has had a steady hand on the country during the bailout programme and it took tough decisions. I have no problem with tough decisions, provided they are fair and equitable, but the decisions taken certainly were not equitable, and they were tougher on certain sections of society. It was very difficult to take the comments today from the European Commission's top official working on Ireland's bailout to the effect that the better-off sections in society had paid a heavier price, as that argument is not borne out by reality. It is certainly not borne out in the world in which I live.
The wealthy have more ability, capacity and means to absorb austerity so their experience of austerity measures is very far removed from the experience of those on middle or low incomes, or whose sole income is a social welfare or disability payment. I am really appalled by the graphic image from the weekend of the wife of a discharged, bankrupt developer awarded €9,000 a month, which is considered appropriate by a judge for monthly expenses.
That is at the taxpayer's expense, at a time when people are lucky to have €90 in disposable income at the end of a week or a fortnight and we expect unemployed young people to live on €100 a week.
The troika’s loans facilitated the repayment of debt to banks and bondholders who had lent and borrowed unwisely. The conclusion that must be drawn is that the wealth of the rich is protected at all costs. It was very handy to have the troika to blame for the tough decisions, but at meetings with the troika it was very clear that the decisions had been made by the Government. We have heard the metaphor “turning the corner”, but one could ask what we are turning into; there is a danger that it is a cul-de-sac, especially when one looks at the reality of the exit. Everything hinges on the economy growing by 2.4%, but the extent of the debt is crippling. I pay tribute to the Ballyhea Says No group. The Technical Group will introduce a Private Members’ motion calling on the Government to lobby the ECB in order that the Central Bank will destroy the €25 billion in sovereign bonds issued in lieu of the remaining promissory notes and also lobby to bring interest payments on bonds to an end and for all related debt to be cancelled. What a difference that would make. One could imagine the situation the country would be in. The point is that we have more debt than we could realistically, let alone morally or ethically, be expected to repay.
In the docklands area of the Dublin Central constituency we have a massive reminder of the worst excesses of banking and development, namely, the carcase of the Anglo Irish Bank building, for which lots of suggestions have been made for it. Some say it should be turned into a museum as a constant reminder of those excesses. Another is that it be ploughed up and turned into an urban farm that could produce quality food for constituents in the area or that it could provide the site for the long-awaited primary school for the Sheriff Street-North Wall area.
People talk about positive signs, but what I see emerging is a rise in property prices and rents, an increase in homelessness and charges and a health service in crisis. There is no doubt about this. It is ironic that yesterday was the centenary of the founding of the Irish Citizen Army which was set up to look after the interests of working class people. The Government has stated all our woes are over. I would love to believe this. I hope it is correct, but I do not think it is borne out in reality. The Millward Brown opinion poll last week indicated that seven out of ten people thought there would be more tough budgets. I hope they are wrong and that the three out of ten who think we are in a better place and that there will be better times ahead will prove to be correct.
Bhíos ag smaoineamh ar cén saghas comparáid a dhéanfainn i gcóir an díospóireacht anocht agus bheartaigh mé ar chomparáid a dhéanamh le príosún. When we think about prisons, people go into them and there is an idea that they are either about incarcerating for punishment or, alternatively, rehabilitation. A person coming from prison might emerge in a crumpled suit or worn tracksuit carrying possessions in either a battered suitcase or a plastic bag. In many cases they face homelessness and unemployment. Some leave prison with a plan or a programme for recovery and entering society again, where they wish to play a role. One must ask the question of which scenario is applicable to us as we emerge from this prison of the bailout. Depending on one's perspective, our jailers - the troika - were either benevolent or malevolent. Leaving jail is of course a positive act and leaving the bailout must be acknowledged as a positive development, although many of us might think we should not have been in that position in the first place. It is rather ironic that those who brought the country into this scenario have not punished in any way whatever.
Certain economists tell us the Government has had a steady hand on the country during the bailout programme and it took tough decisions. I have no problem with tough decisions, provided they are fair and equitable, but the decisions taken certainly were not equitable, and they were tougher on certain sections of society. It was very difficult to take the comments today from the European Commission's top official working on Ireland's bailout to the effect that the better-off sections in society had paid a heavier price, as that argument is not borne out by reality. It is certainly not borne out in the world in which I live.
The wealthy have more ability, capacity and means to absorb austerity so their experience of austerity measures is very far removed from the experience of those on middle or low incomes, or whose sole income is a social welfare or disability payment. I am really appalled by the graphic image from the weekend of the wife of a discharged, bankrupt developer awarded €9,000 a month, which is considered appropriate by a judge for monthly expenses.
That is at the taxpayer's expense, at a time when people are lucky to have €90 in disposable income at the end of a week or a fortnight and we expect unemployed young people to live on €100 a week.
The troika’s loans facilitated the repayment of debt to banks and bondholders who had lent and borrowed unwisely. The conclusion that must be drawn is that the wealth of the rich is protected at all costs. It was very handy to have the troika to blame for the tough decisions, but at meetings with the troika it was very clear that the decisions had been made by the Government. We have heard the metaphor “turning the corner”, but one could ask what we are turning into; there is a danger that it is a cul-de-sac, especially when one looks at the reality of the exit. Everything hinges on the economy growing by 2.4%, but the extent of the debt is crippling. I pay tribute to the Ballyhea Says No group. The Technical Group will introduce a Private Members’ motion calling on the Government to lobby the ECB in order that the Central Bank will destroy the €25 billion in sovereign bonds issued in lieu of the remaining promissory notes and also lobby to bring interest payments on bonds to an end and for all related debt to be cancelled. What a difference that would make. One could imagine the situation the country would be in. The point is that we have more debt than we could realistically, let alone morally or ethically, be expected to repay.
In the docklands area of the Dublin Central constituency we have a massive reminder of the worst excesses of banking and development, namely, the carcase of the Anglo Irish Bank building, for which lots of suggestions have been made for it. Some say it should be turned into a museum as a constant reminder of those excesses. Another is that it be ploughed up and turned into an urban farm that could produce quality food for constituents in the area or that it could provide the site for the long-awaited primary school for the Sheriff Street-North Wall area.
People talk about positive signs, but what I see emerging is a rise in property prices and rents, an increase in homelessness and charges and a health service in crisis. There is no doubt about this. It is ironic that yesterday was the centenary of the founding of the Irish Citizen Army which was set up to look after the interests of working class people. The Government has stated all our woes are over. I would love to believe this. I hope it is correct, but I do not think it is borne out in reality. The Millward Brown opinion poll last week indicated that seven out of ten people thought there would be more tough budgets. I hope they are wrong and that the three out of ten who think we are in a better place and that there will be better times ahead will prove to be correct.
Hear Maureen speaking
19 November Dáil Private Members' Motion Youth Employment
Maureen O'Sullivan: I was struck by the questions asked during Leaders' Questions earlier. A recurring theme is the excessive salaries paid to executives in organisations. It is still not clear whether the top-up salaries came from their fund-raising activities, which involve tremendous work on the part of parents, volunteers and friends of the organisations. They see this as funding for essential services but we do not know if that is the case. In addition, there were newspaper reports at the weekend about the case of the wife of a recently discharged bankrupt. The judge felt that €9,000 a month for living expenses was appropriate but this is being funded by the taxpayer. There is a disconnect between those issues and this issue in the context of available funding.
We are discussing the implications for young people when it comes to unemployment. Budget 2014 provided €14 million for the youth guarantee scheme but international parallels with countries where similar schemes are in operation show that much more is necessary if it is to have any chance of success. Many young people are emigrating. We must consider the cost to the State of putting these articulate, bright, highly skilled young people through second and third level education and even postgraduate education and of losing the various skilled tradespeople whom we will need who are leaving the State. Those skills and knowledge will benefit other economies.
The Government amendment states the unemployment rate has fallen. While this is always welcome, how much is due to emigration? There is a need to examine the correlation between the numbers who have emigrated and the fall in unemployment. The youth guarantee will work if it is properly and adequately resourced. Everybody hopes it will be but there are serious doubts on the part of organisations that work with young people. They estimate only half of the places needed will be available next year. The Minister of State and I represent the same constituency and we are both aware of the problem of homelessness among young people. Will this be added to? Once people enter emergency accommodation, they are unable to access education and training, and cutting welfare payments will add to the problem, not solve it.
The youth guarantee scheme reduced youth unemployment and inactivity in Sweden and Finland but only among the short-term unemployed. There is the Action Plan for Jobs and the Pathways to Work strategy but there must be more emphasis on action.
Maureen O'Sullivan: I was struck by the questions asked during Leaders' Questions earlier. A recurring theme is the excessive salaries paid to executives in organisations. It is still not clear whether the top-up salaries came from their fund-raising activities, which involve tremendous work on the part of parents, volunteers and friends of the organisations. They see this as funding for essential services but we do not know if that is the case. In addition, there were newspaper reports at the weekend about the case of the wife of a recently discharged bankrupt. The judge felt that €9,000 a month for living expenses was appropriate but this is being funded by the taxpayer. There is a disconnect between those issues and this issue in the context of available funding.
We are discussing the implications for young people when it comes to unemployment. Budget 2014 provided €14 million for the youth guarantee scheme but international parallels with countries where similar schemes are in operation show that much more is necessary if it is to have any chance of success. Many young people are emigrating. We must consider the cost to the State of putting these articulate, bright, highly skilled young people through second and third level education and even postgraduate education and of losing the various skilled tradespeople whom we will need who are leaving the State. Those skills and knowledge will benefit other economies.
The Government amendment states the unemployment rate has fallen. While this is always welcome, how much is due to emigration? There is a need to examine the correlation between the numbers who have emigrated and the fall in unemployment. The youth guarantee will work if it is properly and adequately resourced. Everybody hopes it will be but there are serious doubts on the part of organisations that work with young people. They estimate only half of the places needed will be available next year. The Minister of State and I represent the same constituency and we are both aware of the problem of homelessness among young people. Will this be added to? Once people enter emergency accommodation, they are unable to access education and training, and cutting welfare payments will add to the problem, not solve it.
The youth guarantee scheme reduced youth unemployment and inactivity in Sweden and Finland but only among the short-term unemployed. There is the Action Plan for Jobs and the Pathways to Work strategy but there must be more emphasis on action.
Listen to Bio-Fuel Cap debated
19 November Dáil Priority Question Biofuel Obligation Scheme Targets
83. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade following the Minister of State for Development's statement to supporting a 5% EU cap on food based biofuels because of its implications for land and food security in Africa, the reason the Department of Communications Energy and Natural Resources has reneged on this by supporting a new 7% cap which has potentially devastating effects in the developing world; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49072/13]
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: My question relates to what the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is saying about biofuels and what the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources is saying. There was a commitment to 5% by one and 7% by the other. What is the Irish position on biofuels?
Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Joe Costello): My colleague, the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, has lead responsibility for Government policy on biofuels. By 2020, 10% of energy used in transport must come from renewable sources, according to the 2009 renewable energy directive. In October 2012, the Commission proposed amendments to mitigate the potential negative effects occurring as a result of the use of certain biofuels. These would limit the use of food-crop-based biofuels for renewable energy to 5% by 2020. Some member states argue for a higher cap or no cap at all on relevant biofuels. Others want a cap lower than the 5% proposed.
During Ireland’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union we worked hard to facilitate consensus, but at the moment there is no agreement in Council.
Biofuel production and use, unless properly regulated, could have a negative impact on food production and food prices and might increase the emissions of greenhouse gases. The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Pat Rabbitte, has conveyed to member states the need to be cognisant of these potentially adverse impacts of biofuels on land use in developing countries.
Ireland argues for a restriction on food crop-based biofuels and for incentives to develop advanced biofuels. Our preference is for as low a cap as is achievable. To help reach agreement on the Commission's proposal, Ireland has been practical by supporting the Lithuanian Presidency's compromise providing for a reduction in a cap of 7%. The proposals tabled are part of the normal process of identifying a workable compromise.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: That is very disappointing. The bottom line is that the production of biofuels should not undermine food security. There is no doubt that the biofuels mandates are having major negative effects on food production. It is almost as if there is a conflict between the production of food for the world's poor and fuel consumption by the world's rich. It is very disappointing that Ireland regards the 7% cap as being as low as is achievable and that we are supporting it. Why are we not continuing to support a cap of 5%? The merits of such a cap were borne out at the Mary Robinson conference on climate justice which Ireland hosted. The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Pat Rabbitte, when he met representatives of the NGOs, certainly gave the impression that they had made a compelling case for not applying the higher rate of 7%. We are aware that a number of countries, including the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Denmark, Finland, Belgium and Luxembourg, have committed to having a cap of 5%. Italy has lowered its cap from 7% to 6%. A cap of 5% is advocated by the European Commission, but the Presidency is supporting a cap of 7%. My question is on policy coherence between the two Departments.
Deputy Joe Costello: What I said was that during our Presidency we had fought hard to make the Commission's amendment, namely, a rate of 5%. We failed to obtain agreement at that point. We would like to achieve the lowest possible level, but at this point there is very substantial disagreement among member states, particularly Poland and eastern European states, which want a higher level. Many of them want no cap at all because of investments they have made in biofuels in their territories. Other countries such as the United Kingdom and Denmark want a lower level, just as Ireland wants the lowest possible level that can be achieved. In this matter, as in most matters in the European Union such as the multi-annual financial framework voted on today in the European Parliament, there is much desire on the part of Ireland and other countries to have a greater amount of finance for the period 2014 to 2020. Eventually, a compromise is brought forward. We have opted for the upper end of the compromise figure, which is 7%. We would prefer if it were 5%. If the cap is achievable, it will certainly be better than the 10% that obtains at present.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Failing to have an agreement does not mean that Ireland should give up on this issue. An interesting report produced recently by Action Aid examines the difference between the rates of 5% and 7%. The difference is such that if the former was adopted, over 68 million people could be fed. It is all very well to say we might have the lower cap by 2020, but by then how many more people will have died from hunger? I acknowledge what the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and Irish Aid do to relieve hunger, but it is as if we are giving with one hand and taking back with the other. I urge the Government not to take the issue of the cap off the agenda and to continue to argue for a figure of 5%. Ireland should join the group with the United Kingdom and the other member states which are supporting a cap of 5%; it should not regard 7% as a compromise.
Deputy Joe Costello: The current position is that the cap is 10%. It is an amended position put forward in 2012. The Deputy should not forget that the original position in 2009 meant a cap of 10%. That will remain the position, unless we make an amendment securing a reduction. It is a question of working towards the best cap we can get and continuing with that work. We fought hard during our Presidency for a reduction to 5%. One should remember that all Irish biofuel is from waste material and that we do not use any food crop in its manufacture. We are setting a good example in that respect and will continue to seek a further reduction.
83. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade following the Minister of State for Development's statement to supporting a 5% EU cap on food based biofuels because of its implications for land and food security in Africa, the reason the Department of Communications Energy and Natural Resources has reneged on this by supporting a new 7% cap which has potentially devastating effects in the developing world; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [49072/13]
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: My question relates to what the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade is saying about biofuels and what the Department of Communications, Energy and Natural Resources is saying. There was a commitment to 5% by one and 7% by the other. What is the Irish position on biofuels?
Minister of State at the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Joe Costello): My colleague, the Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, has lead responsibility for Government policy on biofuels. By 2020, 10% of energy used in transport must come from renewable sources, according to the 2009 renewable energy directive. In October 2012, the Commission proposed amendments to mitigate the potential negative effects occurring as a result of the use of certain biofuels. These would limit the use of food-crop-based biofuels for renewable energy to 5% by 2020. Some member states argue for a higher cap or no cap at all on relevant biofuels. Others want a cap lower than the 5% proposed.
During Ireland’s Presidency of the Council of the European Union we worked hard to facilitate consensus, but at the moment there is no agreement in Council.
Biofuel production and use, unless properly regulated, could have a negative impact on food production and food prices and might increase the emissions of greenhouse gases. The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Pat Rabbitte, has conveyed to member states the need to be cognisant of these potentially adverse impacts of biofuels on land use in developing countries.
Ireland argues for a restriction on food crop-based biofuels and for incentives to develop advanced biofuels. Our preference is for as low a cap as is achievable. To help reach agreement on the Commission's proposal, Ireland has been practical by supporting the Lithuanian Presidency's compromise providing for a reduction in a cap of 7%. The proposals tabled are part of the normal process of identifying a workable compromise.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: That is very disappointing. The bottom line is that the production of biofuels should not undermine food security. There is no doubt that the biofuels mandates are having major negative effects on food production. It is almost as if there is a conflict between the production of food for the world's poor and fuel consumption by the world's rich. It is very disappointing that Ireland regards the 7% cap as being as low as is achievable and that we are supporting it. Why are we not continuing to support a cap of 5%? The merits of such a cap were borne out at the Mary Robinson conference on climate justice which Ireland hosted. The Minister for Communications, Energy and Natural Resources, Deputy Pat Rabbitte, when he met representatives of the NGOs, certainly gave the impression that they had made a compelling case for not applying the higher rate of 7%. We are aware that a number of countries, including the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Denmark, Finland, Belgium and Luxembourg, have committed to having a cap of 5%. Italy has lowered its cap from 7% to 6%. A cap of 5% is advocated by the European Commission, but the Presidency is supporting a cap of 7%. My question is on policy coherence between the two Departments.
Deputy Joe Costello: What I said was that during our Presidency we had fought hard to make the Commission's amendment, namely, a rate of 5%. We failed to obtain agreement at that point. We would like to achieve the lowest possible level, but at this point there is very substantial disagreement among member states, particularly Poland and eastern European states, which want a higher level. Many of them want no cap at all because of investments they have made in biofuels in their territories. Other countries such as the United Kingdom and Denmark want a lower level, just as Ireland wants the lowest possible level that can be achieved. In this matter, as in most matters in the European Union such as the multi-annual financial framework voted on today in the European Parliament, there is much desire on the part of Ireland and other countries to have a greater amount of finance for the period 2014 to 2020. Eventually, a compromise is brought forward. We have opted for the upper end of the compromise figure, which is 7%. We would prefer if it were 5%. If the cap is achievable, it will certainly be better than the 10% that obtains at present.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Failing to have an agreement does not mean that Ireland should give up on this issue. An interesting report produced recently by Action Aid examines the difference between the rates of 5% and 7%. The difference is such that if the former was adopted, over 68 million people could be fed. It is all very well to say we might have the lower cap by 2020, but by then how many more people will have died from hunger? I acknowledge what the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade and Irish Aid do to relieve hunger, but it is as if we are giving with one hand and taking back with the other. I urge the Government not to take the issue of the cap off the agenda and to continue to argue for a figure of 5%. Ireland should join the group with the United Kingdom and the other member states which are supporting a cap of 5%; it should not regard 7% as a compromise.
Deputy Joe Costello: The current position is that the cap is 10%. It is an amended position put forward in 2012. The Deputy should not forget that the original position in 2009 meant a cap of 10%. That will remain the position, unless we make an amendment securing a reduction. It is a question of working towards the best cap we can get and continuing with that work. We fought hard during our Presidency for a reduction to 5%. One should remember that all Irish biofuel is from waste material and that we do not use any food crop in its manufacture. We are setting a good example in that respect and will continue to seek a further reduction.
13 November Local Development Network - Dáil Reply
109. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government the stages in the consultation process he engaged in with the Irish Local Development Network, who will deliver LCDP/RDP in the future; and ifthe administration of shared services will be done by local authority staff. [48472/13]
Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Phil Hogan): My Department has engaged with the Irish Local Development Network as part of the Alignment Working Group. The Working Group, which also comprises representatives of other stakeholders including the City/County Managers Association and Pobal, was established to assist the Department in the implementation of the Alignment recommendations as set out in Putting People First – Action Programme for Effective Local Government.
As part of its work, the Group has considered the future arrangements for the implementation of local and community development programmes managed by my Department. It is intended that these programmes will be implemented in the future by the Local Community Development Committees; however, a number of options for local delivery are being considered by the Group and I expect to receive its recommendations in the near future.
The Working Group has not yet considered the matter of shared service arrangements for future programmes, and I will await its work in this regard before making any decision. To ensure a continued focus on funding for frontline services, it is important that the future implementation of programmes maximise s available administration funding and all shared service opportunities.
109. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government the stages in the consultation process he engaged in with the Irish Local Development Network, who will deliver LCDP/RDP in the future; and ifthe administration of shared services will be done by local authority staff. [48472/13]
Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Phil Hogan): My Department has engaged with the Irish Local Development Network as part of the Alignment Working Group. The Working Group, which also comprises representatives of other stakeholders including the City/County Managers Association and Pobal, was established to assist the Department in the implementation of the Alignment recommendations as set out in Putting People First – Action Programme for Effective Local Government.
As part of its work, the Group has considered the future arrangements for the implementation of local and community development programmes managed by my Department. It is intended that these programmes will be implemented in the future by the Local Community Development Committees; however, a number of options for local delivery are being considered by the Group and I expect to receive its recommendations in the near future.
The Working Group has not yet considered the matter of shared service arrangements for future programmes, and I will await its work in this regard before making any decision. To ensure a continued focus on funding for frontline services, it is important that the future implementation of programmes maximise s available administration funding and all shared service opportunities.
13 November Local Development Companies Administration Reply
110. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government if he will clarify arrangements for the north inner city of Dublin as the proposed system for local development is based on a structure the inner city does not have due to the absence of an inner city partnership; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48473/13]
Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Phil Hogan): Arising from Putting People First – Action Programme for Effective Local Government, new arrangements will come into effect aimed at improving the delivery of services on an area basis through Local Community Development Committees. I see the Local Community Development Committee for the Dublin City Council area having a key role in the future co-ordination arrangements for the Local and Community Development Programme (LCDP), across its area of coverage, including the inner city area.
Since the cessation of the contract with Dublin Inner City Partnership (DICP) for the delivery of the LCDP, my Department, in conjunction with Pobal, has ensured that LCDP services, for the communities in the inner city area, have been maintained in a coordinated manner. This has been achieved, through Pobal, by contracting local delivery bodies in the area to deliver LCDP services formerly delivered through the DICP. This method of programme delivery will continue for the immediate future.
My Department and Pobal will work with local partners in identifying the best approach for programme implementation and co-ordination once the new local structures are fully operational. I am committed to ensuring that these valuable services are delivered to those who need them most and in the most efficient and effective manner possible.
110. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government if he will clarify arrangements for the north inner city of Dublin as the proposed system for local development is based on a structure the inner city does not have due to the absence of an inner city partnership; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [48473/13]
Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Phil Hogan): Arising from Putting People First – Action Programme for Effective Local Government, new arrangements will come into effect aimed at improving the delivery of services on an area basis through Local Community Development Committees. I see the Local Community Development Committee for the Dublin City Council area having a key role in the future co-ordination arrangements for the Local and Community Development Programme (LCDP), across its area of coverage, including the inner city area.
Since the cessation of the contract with Dublin Inner City Partnership (DICP) for the delivery of the LCDP, my Department, in conjunction with Pobal, has ensured that LCDP services, for the communities in the inner city area, have been maintained in a coordinated manner. This has been achieved, through Pobal, by contracting local delivery bodies in the area to deliver LCDP services formerly delivered through the DICP. This method of programme delivery will continue for the immediate future.
My Department and Pobal will work with local partners in identifying the best approach for programme implementation and co-ordination once the new local structures are fully operational. I am committed to ensuring that these valuable services are delivered to those who need them most and in the most efficient and effective manner possible.
07 November Prisoner Data
169. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality the number of persons currently on remand in prison; the length of time they are on remand; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [47525/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): I can advise the Deputy that according to the most recent snapshot of the prisoner population taken on Thursday 31 October, 2013 there were 591 prisoners held on remand throughout the prison system. On the same date in 2012 there were 637 prisoners held on remand. The 2013 figure has a decrease of 46 or 7% on the 2012 figure. A detailed breakdown of the location of all remand prisoners is set out in the table. The majority of prisoners held on remand in Dublin are held in Cloverhill Prison which is the remand prison for those committed to prison on remand in the Dublin courts. (See Table below)
It is not possible to provide the length of time a prisoner spends on remand, as this would necessitate a manual search of each record to determine when the period of remand commenced as they may not actually be their committal date. This would require a disproportionate and inordinate amount of staff time and effort and could not be justified where there are other significant demands on resources.
Prison 31 October 2013 31 October 2012
169. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality the number of persons currently on remand in prison; the length of time they are on remand; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [47525/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): I can advise the Deputy that according to the most recent snapshot of the prisoner population taken on Thursday 31 October, 2013 there were 591 prisoners held on remand throughout the prison system. On the same date in 2012 there were 637 prisoners held on remand. The 2013 figure has a decrease of 46 or 7% on the 2012 figure. A detailed breakdown of the location of all remand prisoners is set out in the table. The majority of prisoners held on remand in Dublin are held in Cloverhill Prison which is the remand prison for those committed to prison on remand in the Dublin courts. (See Table below)
It is not possible to provide the length of time a prisoner spends on remand, as this would necessitate a manual search of each record to determine when the period of remand commenced as they may not actually be their committal date. This would require a disproportionate and inordinate amount of staff time and effort and could not be justified where there are other significant demands on resources.
Prison 31 October 2013 31 October 2012
Link to NASC
06 Nov Crime Investigation Incitement to Hatred
124. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality in relation to a private, registered members-only internet chat and information forum (details supplied); the extent to which this forum would be liable under the Incitement to Hatred Act if a racist discussion took place against the Roma Community, where the web chat site administrator was also involved in the conversation; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [47333/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): I am informed by the Garda authorities that the material referred to is being examined by An Garda Síochána. The Deputy will appreciate that the question of any further action or investigation in relation to this issue is a matter for the Garda authorities and it would not be appropriate for me to comment in this regard.
124. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Justice and Equality in relation to a private, registered members-only internet chat and information forum (details supplied); the extent to which this forum would be liable under the Incitement to Hatred Act if a racist discussion took place against the Roma Community, where the web chat site administrator was also involved in the conversation; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [47333/13]
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): I am informed by the Garda authorities that the material referred to is being examined by An Garda Síochána. The Deputy will appreciate that the question of any further action or investigation in relation to this issue is a matter for the Garda authorities and it would not be appropriate for me to comment in this regard.
Link to information on Basque Peace process
05 Nov Foreign Conflicts Encouraging resolutions in Basque Coutry
121. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his response to the ongoing charging of persons for their membership of political parties banned in the Basque country; if he has engaged with Spanish officials on their lack of engagement in a peaceful process of resolution to the conflict instead of increasing its repression on political membership and protest activity by individuals; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [46168/13]
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore): I have closely followed developments in relation to the Basque Country since the declaration by ETA on 20 October 2011 that the organisation had “decided on the definitive cessation of its armed activity”. The Government continues to support all efforts to achieve a definitive peace in the Basque Country and I hope that further progress can be made based on democratic principles and the rule of law.
121. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade his response to the ongoing charging of persons for their membership of political parties banned in the Basque country; if he has engaged with Spanish officials on their lack of engagement in a peaceful process of resolution to the conflict instead of increasing its repression on political membership and protest activity by individuals; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [46168/13]
Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs and Trade (Deputy Eamon Gilmore): I have closely followed developments in relation to the Basque Country since the declaration by ETA on 20 October 2011 that the organisation had “decided on the definitive cessation of its armed activity”. The Government continues to support all efforts to achieve a definitive peace in the Basque Country and I hope that further progress can be made based on democratic principles and the rule of law.
05 November Royal Canal Inner City Lifting Bridge (Inland Waterways Maintenance)
590. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht further to Parliamentary Question No. 59 of 16 October 2013, the extent of railway track that needs to be closed by Irish Rail in order for a vessel on the Royal Canal, Dublin, to be given access between the First and Sea Levels of the Royal Canal; if there has been an assessment of whether the extent of track closure could be reduced to facilitate greater ease of navigation on the Royal canal; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [45986/13]
591. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht further to Parliamentary Question No. 59 of 16 October 2013, if the option of a introducing a drop lock to replace the need of the lifting bridge has been considered since the establishment of Waterways Ireland or if that assessment was made by Waterways Ireland’s predecessors; the level of use of the sea level assumed in relation to the assessment; if the impact of the Spencer Dock Greenway was taken into account and vice versa, was account taken of the impact on the Greenway were the sea level to be made accessible to navigation by replacing the lifting bridge; if the assessment includes analysis of whether the effective re-opening of the sea level of the Royal Canal to meaningful levels of year-round traffic would be consistent with the EU’s commitment to the ‘protection and preservation of cultural heritage, in view of the fact that Dublin’s waterway’s heritage is part of the cultural infrastructure of Europe, contributing to economic attractiveness, job opportunities and quality of life; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [45987/13]
Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht (Deputy Jimmy Deenihan): I propose to take Questions Nos. 590 and 591 together.
I am advised that the option of constructing a drop lock to replace the need for the lifting bridge at the location in question has been considered by Waterways Ireland but it was not deemed viable due to the estimated costs involved, given that the minimum cost for a drop lock to replace the bridge would be of the order of €5m. Work to install a drop lock at this location would also involve considerable temporary works, the extent of which would be unknown until ground conditions were assessed in detail.
I am also advised that there have been no assessments or analyses undertaken by Waterways Ireland in respect of the level of use or impact on the Spencer Dock Greenway.
I can inform the Deputy that the length of railway track disconnected from the rest of the loop line from the station when the bridge is in the 'up' position is approximately 16 metres. However, as the control and operation of the railway line in the vicinity of the lifting bridge lies entirely with Irish Rail, only it can indicate the extent of the permanent rail line that needs to be closed when the bridge is opened.
590. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht further to Parliamentary Question No. 59 of 16 October 2013, the extent of railway track that needs to be closed by Irish Rail in order for a vessel on the Royal Canal, Dublin, to be given access between the First and Sea Levels of the Royal Canal; if there has been an assessment of whether the extent of track closure could be reduced to facilitate greater ease of navigation on the Royal canal; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [45986/13]
591. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht further to Parliamentary Question No. 59 of 16 October 2013, if the option of a introducing a drop lock to replace the need of the lifting bridge has been considered since the establishment of Waterways Ireland or if that assessment was made by Waterways Ireland’s predecessors; the level of use of the sea level assumed in relation to the assessment; if the impact of the Spencer Dock Greenway was taken into account and vice versa, was account taken of the impact on the Greenway were the sea level to be made accessible to navigation by replacing the lifting bridge; if the assessment includes analysis of whether the effective re-opening of the sea level of the Royal Canal to meaningful levels of year-round traffic would be consistent with the EU’s commitment to the ‘protection and preservation of cultural heritage, in view of the fact that Dublin’s waterway’s heritage is part of the cultural infrastructure of Europe, contributing to economic attractiveness, job opportunities and quality of life; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [45987/13]
Minister for Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht (Deputy Jimmy Deenihan): I propose to take Questions Nos. 590 and 591 together.
I am advised that the option of constructing a drop lock to replace the need for the lifting bridge at the location in question has been considered by Waterways Ireland but it was not deemed viable due to the estimated costs involved, given that the minimum cost for a drop lock to replace the bridge would be of the order of €5m. Work to install a drop lock at this location would also involve considerable temporary works, the extent of which would be unknown until ground conditions were assessed in detail.
I am also advised that there have been no assessments or analyses undertaken by Waterways Ireland in respect of the level of use or impact on the Spencer Dock Greenway.
I can inform the Deputy that the length of railway track disconnected from the rest of the loop line from the station when the bridge is in the 'up' position is approximately 16 metres. However, as the control and operation of the railway line in the vicinity of the lifting bridge lies entirely with Irish Rail, only it can indicate the extent of the permanent rail line that needs to be closed when the bridge is opened.
Link to Leitrim Animal Welfare
05 November Animal Welfare Issues on Numbers of dogs being put down
677. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government if his attention has been drawn to the large geographical disparity in outcomes between the dog pounds where over 1% are killed in Leitrim pound in comparison to over 80% in North Tipperary; the action he will take to see standardisation in the re-homing ethos in all pounds; if his attention has been drawn to the fact that new passport and rabies stipulation will result in an increased killing rate of dogs in pounds as rescue groups are full up with healthy dogs waiting for 21 days after rabies vaccination; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [46305/13]
Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Phil Hogan): The number of dogs in local authority pounds put to sleep has been reducing consistently over the years. Having been at 27,570 in 1998, the number in 2012 was 4,500, itself a reduction of some 20% on the 2011 figure. I welcome this dramatic reduction and compliment the dog control services around the country for this positive development.
I am keen to see good practices across all aspects of the dog control function of local authorities, recognising that this is a matter first and foremost for the authorities themselves.
To highlight good practice and encourage local authorities to improve outcomes in these areas, my Department facilitates regular meetings of staff involved in the dog control function. These meetings have covered the issue of engagement by local authorities with animal welfare groups. My Department has also communicated directly with city and county managers on these issues. I am aware of the new passport requirements now in place, and while these may present new challenges, I am hopeful that local authorities and animal welfare organisations will further develop their relationships and we will continue the notable reduction in the number of dogs put to sleep.
677. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government if his attention has been drawn to the large geographical disparity in outcomes between the dog pounds where over 1% are killed in Leitrim pound in comparison to over 80% in North Tipperary; the action he will take to see standardisation in the re-homing ethos in all pounds; if his attention has been drawn to the fact that new passport and rabies stipulation will result in an increased killing rate of dogs in pounds as rescue groups are full up with healthy dogs waiting for 21 days after rabies vaccination; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [46305/13]
Minister for the Environment, Community and Local Government (Deputy Phil Hogan): The number of dogs in local authority pounds put to sleep has been reducing consistently over the years. Having been at 27,570 in 1998, the number in 2012 was 4,500, itself a reduction of some 20% on the 2011 figure. I welcome this dramatic reduction and compliment the dog control services around the country for this positive development.
I am keen to see good practices across all aspects of the dog control function of local authorities, recognising that this is a matter first and foremost for the authorities themselves.
To highlight good practice and encourage local authorities to improve outcomes in these areas, my Department facilitates regular meetings of staff involved in the dog control function. These meetings have covered the issue of engagement by local authorities with animal welfare groups. My Department has also communicated directly with city and county managers on these issues. I am aware of the new passport requirements now in place, and while these may present new challenges, I am hopeful that local authorities and animal welfare organisations will further develop their relationships and we will continue the notable reduction in the number of dogs put to sleep.
Listen to Maureen speaking
08 Nov Report on Sponsorship of Sports by Alcohol Drinks Industry
I tabled a Private Members’ motion on addiction and the wide range of issues related to it some months ago. Deputy Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan opened up the debate on legalising cannabis this week and we are having a debate this morning on alcohol sponsorship of sports.
All Members acknowledge the unhealthy relationship that people have with alcohol. We know the costs to the health service and in terms of crime. Alcohol is a contributory factor in 90% of public order offences, for example. Alcohol and drugs are also linked to early school leaving, bad social conditions and crime. There are an increasing number of children in need of child protection services because of their families’ misuse and abuse of alcohol and drugs. It is the most common date-rape drug and is used in many cases to facilitate sexual assaults. There are really alarming figures on the increasing levels of liver disease, particularly among young people in their late teens and early 20s. Alcohol is also the gateway drug for so many people.
It is unfortunate that every event from the cradle to the grave in Ireland is associated with alcohol. We see its easy availability, cheapness and acceptance. More frighteningly, there is a social acceptance of drunkenness and at-home drinking. It must be acknowledged that the majority drink moderately, using it socially and for enjoyment. However, these are not the people who end up in accident and emergency departments or in prison cells at the weekend.
There is an unfortunate connection - I use that term loosely - between alcohol and certain figures in the artistic, literary and music worlds, in which alcohol use is seen as being acceptable. The Brendan Behans, the Ernest Hemingways, the Dylan Thomases, the Richard Harrises and the Richard Burtons did not contribute to the cause of moderation. We see this occurring again with certain figures in the music industry today. The media have a major role in not portraying this kind of behaviour as fun, acceptable and harmless.
I am involved with the prevention and education sub-committee of the north Dublin inner city drugs task force. Recently, we held two youth conventions with 110 secondary students from the north east of the city and 85 from the north west. We discussed the positives and the negatives of their usual night out, including alcohol promotion and the influences on what they drink, the media, minimum pricing and the age limit, along with the prevention and education strategies that worked and that did not. We listened to the young people without lecturing them. It is important when this topic is discussed that we listen to young people directly, not those in organisations that claim they are representing young people but whose members are long past their teens. I mean no disrespect to those involved, but there is much sense, wisdom and insight coming from young people.
There was a mixed response to the question about drinks companies' sponsorship of sports events. Some of the answers in support of such sponsorship were interesting. They pointed out that the organisations needed the money, that it did not influence their drinking because they buy the cheapest drink anyway, that it is the advertisements that encourage them to drink more rather than the sponsorship, that people will drink anyway and, finally, that it is just sponsorship and not promotion. What was interesting was that they were not fully aware of the harmful effects of alcohol. Those who were against it saw the contradiction in that sports are part of a healthy lifestyle, while alcohol is bad for one.
This debate is vital. I believe there should not be alcohol sponsorship of sporting events, but this must be part of a wider strategy. Why would the drinks companies spend so much money on sponsorship unless they were getting something from it? I have doubts about the ring-fencing provision. It is like saying one can drink as much as one likes but the alcohol companies will pick up the bill for alcohol-related diseases. We need to listen to young people because they have good insights and suggestions in this regard.
I tabled a Private Members’ motion on addiction and the wide range of issues related to it some months ago. Deputy Luke ‘Ming’ Flanagan opened up the debate on legalising cannabis this week and we are having a debate this morning on alcohol sponsorship of sports.
All Members acknowledge the unhealthy relationship that people have with alcohol. We know the costs to the health service and in terms of crime. Alcohol is a contributory factor in 90% of public order offences, for example. Alcohol and drugs are also linked to early school leaving, bad social conditions and crime. There are an increasing number of children in need of child protection services because of their families’ misuse and abuse of alcohol and drugs. It is the most common date-rape drug and is used in many cases to facilitate sexual assaults. There are really alarming figures on the increasing levels of liver disease, particularly among young people in their late teens and early 20s. Alcohol is also the gateway drug for so many people.
It is unfortunate that every event from the cradle to the grave in Ireland is associated with alcohol. We see its easy availability, cheapness and acceptance. More frighteningly, there is a social acceptance of drunkenness and at-home drinking. It must be acknowledged that the majority drink moderately, using it socially and for enjoyment. However, these are not the people who end up in accident and emergency departments or in prison cells at the weekend.
There is an unfortunate connection - I use that term loosely - between alcohol and certain figures in the artistic, literary and music worlds, in which alcohol use is seen as being acceptable. The Brendan Behans, the Ernest Hemingways, the Dylan Thomases, the Richard Harrises and the Richard Burtons did not contribute to the cause of moderation. We see this occurring again with certain figures in the music industry today. The media have a major role in not portraying this kind of behaviour as fun, acceptable and harmless.
I am involved with the prevention and education sub-committee of the north Dublin inner city drugs task force. Recently, we held two youth conventions with 110 secondary students from the north east of the city and 85 from the north west. We discussed the positives and the negatives of their usual night out, including alcohol promotion and the influences on what they drink, the media, minimum pricing and the age limit, along with the prevention and education strategies that worked and that did not. We listened to the young people without lecturing them. It is important when this topic is discussed that we listen to young people directly, not those in organisations that claim they are representing young people but whose members are long past their teens. I mean no disrespect to those involved, but there is much sense, wisdom and insight coming from young people.
There was a mixed response to the question about drinks companies' sponsorship of sports events. Some of the answers in support of such sponsorship were interesting. They pointed out that the organisations needed the money, that it did not influence their drinking because they buy the cheapest drink anyway, that it is the advertisements that encourage them to drink more rather than the sponsorship, that people will drink anyway and, finally, that it is just sponsorship and not promotion. What was interesting was that they were not fully aware of the harmful effects of alcohol. Those who were against it saw the contradiction in that sports are part of a healthy lifestyle, while alcohol is bad for one.
This debate is vital. I believe there should not be alcohol sponsorship of sporting events, but this must be part of a wider strategy. Why would the drinks companies spend so much money on sponsorship unless they were getting something from it? I have doubts about the ring-fencing provision. It is like saying one can drink as much as one likes but the alcohol companies will pick up the bill for alcohol-related diseases. We need to listen to young people because they have good insights and suggestions in this regard.
Hear Maureen on Water Fluoridation
08 Nov Health (Fluoridation of Water Supplies) (Repeal) Bill 2013: Second Stage
Tá athas orm go bhfuil an t-ábhar seo á phlé againn agus gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta Stanley. This has been a controversial topic. In the couple of years I have been here I have received some lengthy correspondence on it which has led me to ask a number of parliamentary questions. In one I asked the Minister to ask the Irish Medicines Board to carry out a test to determine if fluoride was safe. The reply was that it was not necessary to do this because it was neither a medicine nor a drug. I asked another question about the Irish expert body on fluorides and health and if its work could be considered fair, transparent and impartial. The reply was that it was impartial and evidence-based, but we know evidence can be very selective.
Another question was on the expert body and the reply was that it had a strong consumer input from members of the public. That is difficult to accept because we know the extent of public criticism; therefore, I wondered about this.
A number of local authorities have passed all-party motions calling for an end to fluoridation. Are we putting resources into fluoridation which are not needed? Millions of euro are spent every year on fluoride, but we must also consider the local authority resources which could be put into the building of very badly needed houses to reduce housing waiting lists, for example.
What exactly is in fluoride? It is not a single substance but a gas combined with other elements which have consequences for our health. Like Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan, I was intrigued to see what was in the 2001 Fine Gael manifesto about the effects of fluoride. With the Green Party, Fine Gael listed the adverse health effects. People have examined the product specification and there seems to be a cocktail of various toxic elements, including mercury, nickel and lead, but there is a major difference between the current product and the one used originally in 1962.
I have asked further questions about these products. One answer was that the fluoridation of drinking water should be seen as a measure consistent with general public health management. There may have been reasons in the past for introducing fluoridation. Perhaps dental care was poorer then, but times have changed owing to exercise, improved diet and oral hygiene. There is fluoride in toothpaste; children are encouraged to brush their teeth; there is easier access to dentists; and there is not the same fear of dentists. There is evidence on one side of the debate, but there is also evidence on the other. If all of the evidence suggests fluoridation is positive, why have countries such as the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Germany, Japan and, most recently, Israel banned fluoridation? Countries that have banned fluoridation have not seen an increase in dental decay.
Are we continuing with fluoridation because it is a habit that is too difficult to break? If this Bill does not pass Second Stage, I ask that all of the evidence, not just selective evidence, be examined by an impartial independent group.
Tá athas orm go bhfuil an t-ábhar seo á phlé againn agus gabhaim buíochas leis an Teachta Stanley. This has been a controversial topic. In the couple of years I have been here I have received some lengthy correspondence on it which has led me to ask a number of parliamentary questions. In one I asked the Minister to ask the Irish Medicines Board to carry out a test to determine if fluoride was safe. The reply was that it was not necessary to do this because it was neither a medicine nor a drug. I asked another question about the Irish expert body on fluorides and health and if its work could be considered fair, transparent and impartial. The reply was that it was impartial and evidence-based, but we know evidence can be very selective.
Another question was on the expert body and the reply was that it had a strong consumer input from members of the public. That is difficult to accept because we know the extent of public criticism; therefore, I wondered about this.
A number of local authorities have passed all-party motions calling for an end to fluoridation. Are we putting resources into fluoridation which are not needed? Millions of euro are spent every year on fluoride, but we must also consider the local authority resources which could be put into the building of very badly needed houses to reduce housing waiting lists, for example.
What exactly is in fluoride? It is not a single substance but a gas combined with other elements which have consequences for our health. Like Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan, I was intrigued to see what was in the 2001 Fine Gael manifesto about the effects of fluoride. With the Green Party, Fine Gael listed the adverse health effects. People have examined the product specification and there seems to be a cocktail of various toxic elements, including mercury, nickel and lead, but there is a major difference between the current product and the one used originally in 1962.
I have asked further questions about these products. One answer was that the fluoridation of drinking water should be seen as a measure consistent with general public health management. There may have been reasons in the past for introducing fluoridation. Perhaps dental care was poorer then, but times have changed owing to exercise, improved diet and oral hygiene. There is fluoride in toothpaste; children are encouraged to brush their teeth; there is easier access to dentists; and there is not the same fear of dentists. There is evidence on one side of the debate, but there is also evidence on the other. If all of the evidence suggests fluoridation is positive, why have countries such as the Netherlands, Sweden, Finland, Germany, Japan and, most recently, Israel banned fluoridation? Countries that have banned fluoridation have not seen an increase in dental decay.
Are we continuing with fluoridation because it is a habit that is too difficult to break? If this Bill does not pass Second Stage, I ask that all of the evidence, not just selective evidence, be examined by an impartial independent group.
Hear Maureen on Finance Bill
07 November Dáil Finance Bill 2013 2nd Stage
Tá mé buíoch go bhfuil seans agam labhairt faoin mBille Airgeadais. Is cinnte go bhfuil rudaí dearfacha sa reachtaíocht seo.
It was clear that Ministers would accentuate the positive aspects of the budget. According to the Minister, members of the public would be astounded by all the good news in it. Businesses and investors were certainly astounded by how well they did and the farming community also benefited from it. Those who have more got more in the budget, while others, namely, sections of the older community, young people and lone and separated parents, were astounded by how badly they did. The budget placed further stress on those who are most in need of protection.
Owing to my particular interest in people with mental and physical disabilities, I noted that, in acknowledging the positive aspects of the budget the Disability Federation of Ireland also pointed out that plans for social inclusion have been weakened. As a member of the Oireachtas group on mental health which made a pre-budget submission, I note the budget contains a commitment to provide an additional €20 million for mental health services. What is the relationship between this funding and a previous allocation of €35 million to mental health services, much of which was not spent? Those with physical and mental health issues are still waiting to see what further cuts will be imposed on them in the health budget. Some of them have already been affected by the loss of the telephone allowance announced in the social protection budget. I refer, in particular, to those who depend on a telephone connection for access to the Internet.
The question one must ask is how the measures in the budget and Finance Bill will contribute to the ability of people with mental and physical disabilities to live their lives independently and with dignity. It would be amazing if the organisations which are most involved with people with disabilities and those on low incomes, for example, Social Justice Ireland and the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, stated the budget was fair and proportionate. As we all know, budgets do not tend to be proportionate and do not reflect the principle that those most able to absorb cuts should be most affected by them. The many calls for equality proofing of budgets and social impact analysis continue to be ignored.
Debt lies at the heart of all recent budgets and finance Bills. Ireland is paying the highest cost for the banking crisis. While no one denies that we should repay lawful debts, unlawful debt is crippling sections of society that must endure austerity for the benefit of the financial markets. I do not have a background in economics but I know that we have more debt that we can pay or be expected to pay. The Minister, in his Budget Statement, pointed out that "excluding the interest burden, we are paying our own way again." We can only imagine what could be done if we did not have the burden of paying exorbitant interest rates. The budget deficit may have declined but it remains the highest in the European Union. How can we have real recovery or achieve significant economic growth when we must make interest payments of this magnitude?
One measure that has caused considerable difficulty is the change to the one parent family tax credit. Almost immediately after this measure was announced, One Family, the organisation most involved with single parent families, made its concerns known. It described the change as a retrograde step on the basis that the one parent family tax credit facilitates the collaborative approach of parents who have separated but have agreed to share responsibility for their children. Deputies have received numerous telephone calls and e-mails highlighting the impact of this cut on families which must already cope with the stress of marriage or relationship breakdown.
The change to the one parent family tax credit constitutes the single largest cut in income for separated fathers who wish to take responsibility for their children while not living in the same house. The measure has implications in terms of the Equal Status Act. In light of the many changes in society, we must examine the way in which parents are designated and the move away from having one primary carer towards the principle of shared responsibility where parents are joint carers. It is not fair that the behaviour of some parents who are not willing to support their children and wrongly avail of the tax credit is being used as a reason for discriminating against many fathers. The Minister has indicated he will re-examine the issue. The loss of income arising from this measure could have serious effects on the relationship between children and non-resident parents. The One Family organisation has pointed out that this may be an unintended consequence of the budget.
The cut cannot be justified, especially as everyone knows separation costs money. If the measure is implemented, it will create further problems for people in cases where maintenance cannot be paid. One Family suggests that, to avail of the tax credit, a child and parenting agreement should be in place between parents. This is a written agreement between parents setting out the amount of child maintenance to be paid after separation and an agreed plan on parenting issues. One Family is willing to engage on this proposal for a shared child support credit. I hope the Minister takes up its offer to discuss the proposal, under which the tax credit would be targeted specifically towards families who are in shared parenting arrangements and where child maintenance is being paid.
The Minister's proposal to replace the current tax credit with a single person child carer tax credit will be problematic and will result in a financial loss to parents of between €1,600 and €2,500 per annum. If the primary carer is a woman who is not working, she will not receive the new tax credit and it will also be denied to the father on the basis that he is not the primary carer. Everyone loses in such a scenario.
I will make one further point on the impact of the budget on lone parents. Surveys on living conditions show that single parent households are the most deprived of all households and have the least amount of disposable income available to them. In Dublin, for example, there are more than 52,000 lone parent households, with Dublin city having by far the greatest number of such households. I see little in successive budgets or finance Bills that will improve the lives of such families. We are told the economy is growing or that this percentage or that statistic is moving in the right direction. None of this is filtering down or making a positive difference in the lives of a significant number of people. This is where we have a disconnect between theory and reality.
On foreign direct investment, Ireland has much to offer besides its 12.5% corporation tax rate. Significant taxation issues arise in respect of multinational companies which avail of tax loopholes and havens to avoid paying just taxes. The massive profits earned by these companies are not reflected in the amount of corporate tax paid here. As a result, our effective tax rate is much lower than 12.5%. Multinational corporations may be regarded as sacred cows but they should be required to contribute to the economy.
Billions of euro are leaving developing countries. While this outflow has been assisted by corrupt governments in some developing countries, other governments in the developing world do not have sufficient negotiating capacity. I acknowledge the work being done on this issue by Irish Aid and the Government.
The Minister stated that Ireland wants to be part of the solution to the global tax challenge, not part of the problem. We were part of the problem. My question is, how much have we lost because the full 12.5% corporate tax was not collected? We need to be far more transparent on corporate tax and ensure full collection. I note there is a levy on the domestic banks, but why are we not looking at a financial transaction tax, which would make a massive difference?
I welcome the Living City initiative. I particularly welcome that Dublin has now been included because there were people in certain parts of Dublin - certainly on the north side - who were concerned that they had not been included originally. I know there were reasons for that because I discussed it with the Minister. My plea is that we remember that the north side of the city has a strong cultural and historic tradition and that this should be recognised in the Living City initiative. There will be people who will be looking for that.
It is disappointing, given that people were encouraged to save and did their best to save - and, presumably, part of the aim of encouraging people to save was that they would not be an additional burden on the State when they got older - that they are now being penalised for that. The Government is clipping away at savings and there will not be an incentive to save.
I spoke previously here about the massive housing crisis, particularly in Dublin. I will be looking to see the practical implications and the difference that the suggestions and the plans in the budget and the Bill will make. At the end of the Minister's budget speech, he stated that Ireland would leave the EU-IMF programme and would handed back her purse. Obviously, that is positive, but that in itself cannot be seen as an end. It must be a process towards something that will be much better. I hope that what is much better will be more equitable budgets.
Tá mé buíoch go bhfuil seans agam labhairt faoin mBille Airgeadais. Is cinnte go bhfuil rudaí dearfacha sa reachtaíocht seo.
It was clear that Ministers would accentuate the positive aspects of the budget. According to the Minister, members of the public would be astounded by all the good news in it. Businesses and investors were certainly astounded by how well they did and the farming community also benefited from it. Those who have more got more in the budget, while others, namely, sections of the older community, young people and lone and separated parents, were astounded by how badly they did. The budget placed further stress on those who are most in need of protection.
Owing to my particular interest in people with mental and physical disabilities, I noted that, in acknowledging the positive aspects of the budget the Disability Federation of Ireland also pointed out that plans for social inclusion have been weakened. As a member of the Oireachtas group on mental health which made a pre-budget submission, I note the budget contains a commitment to provide an additional €20 million for mental health services. What is the relationship between this funding and a previous allocation of €35 million to mental health services, much of which was not spent? Those with physical and mental health issues are still waiting to see what further cuts will be imposed on them in the health budget. Some of them have already been affected by the loss of the telephone allowance announced in the social protection budget. I refer, in particular, to those who depend on a telephone connection for access to the Internet.
The question one must ask is how the measures in the budget and Finance Bill will contribute to the ability of people with mental and physical disabilities to live their lives independently and with dignity. It would be amazing if the organisations which are most involved with people with disabilities and those on low incomes, for example, Social Justice Ireland and the Society of St. Vincent de Paul, stated the budget was fair and proportionate. As we all know, budgets do not tend to be proportionate and do not reflect the principle that those most able to absorb cuts should be most affected by them. The many calls for equality proofing of budgets and social impact analysis continue to be ignored.
Debt lies at the heart of all recent budgets and finance Bills. Ireland is paying the highest cost for the banking crisis. While no one denies that we should repay lawful debts, unlawful debt is crippling sections of society that must endure austerity for the benefit of the financial markets. I do not have a background in economics but I know that we have more debt that we can pay or be expected to pay. The Minister, in his Budget Statement, pointed out that "excluding the interest burden, we are paying our own way again." We can only imagine what could be done if we did not have the burden of paying exorbitant interest rates. The budget deficit may have declined but it remains the highest in the European Union. How can we have real recovery or achieve significant economic growth when we must make interest payments of this magnitude?
One measure that has caused considerable difficulty is the change to the one parent family tax credit. Almost immediately after this measure was announced, One Family, the organisation most involved with single parent families, made its concerns known. It described the change as a retrograde step on the basis that the one parent family tax credit facilitates the collaborative approach of parents who have separated but have agreed to share responsibility for their children. Deputies have received numerous telephone calls and e-mails highlighting the impact of this cut on families which must already cope with the stress of marriage or relationship breakdown.
The change to the one parent family tax credit constitutes the single largest cut in income for separated fathers who wish to take responsibility for their children while not living in the same house. The measure has implications in terms of the Equal Status Act. In light of the many changes in society, we must examine the way in which parents are designated and the move away from having one primary carer towards the principle of shared responsibility where parents are joint carers. It is not fair that the behaviour of some parents who are not willing to support their children and wrongly avail of the tax credit is being used as a reason for discriminating against many fathers. The Minister has indicated he will re-examine the issue. The loss of income arising from this measure could have serious effects on the relationship between children and non-resident parents. The One Family organisation has pointed out that this may be an unintended consequence of the budget.
The cut cannot be justified, especially as everyone knows separation costs money. If the measure is implemented, it will create further problems for people in cases where maintenance cannot be paid. One Family suggests that, to avail of the tax credit, a child and parenting agreement should be in place between parents. This is a written agreement between parents setting out the amount of child maintenance to be paid after separation and an agreed plan on parenting issues. One Family is willing to engage on this proposal for a shared child support credit. I hope the Minister takes up its offer to discuss the proposal, under which the tax credit would be targeted specifically towards families who are in shared parenting arrangements and where child maintenance is being paid.
The Minister's proposal to replace the current tax credit with a single person child carer tax credit will be problematic and will result in a financial loss to parents of between €1,600 and €2,500 per annum. If the primary carer is a woman who is not working, she will not receive the new tax credit and it will also be denied to the father on the basis that he is not the primary carer. Everyone loses in such a scenario.
I will make one further point on the impact of the budget on lone parents. Surveys on living conditions show that single parent households are the most deprived of all households and have the least amount of disposable income available to them. In Dublin, for example, there are more than 52,000 lone parent households, with Dublin city having by far the greatest number of such households. I see little in successive budgets or finance Bills that will improve the lives of such families. We are told the economy is growing or that this percentage or that statistic is moving in the right direction. None of this is filtering down or making a positive difference in the lives of a significant number of people. This is where we have a disconnect between theory and reality.
On foreign direct investment, Ireland has much to offer besides its 12.5% corporation tax rate. Significant taxation issues arise in respect of multinational companies which avail of tax loopholes and havens to avoid paying just taxes. The massive profits earned by these companies are not reflected in the amount of corporate tax paid here. As a result, our effective tax rate is much lower than 12.5%. Multinational corporations may be regarded as sacred cows but they should be required to contribute to the economy.
Billions of euro are leaving developing countries. While this outflow has been assisted by corrupt governments in some developing countries, other governments in the developing world do not have sufficient negotiating capacity. I acknowledge the work being done on this issue by Irish Aid and the Government.
The Minister stated that Ireland wants to be part of the solution to the global tax challenge, not part of the problem. We were part of the problem. My question is, how much have we lost because the full 12.5% corporate tax was not collected? We need to be far more transparent on corporate tax and ensure full collection. I note there is a levy on the domestic banks, but why are we not looking at a financial transaction tax, which would make a massive difference?
I welcome the Living City initiative. I particularly welcome that Dublin has now been included because there were people in certain parts of Dublin - certainly on the north side - who were concerned that they had not been included originally. I know there were reasons for that because I discussed it with the Minister. My plea is that we remember that the north side of the city has a strong cultural and historic tradition and that this should be recognised in the Living City initiative. There will be people who will be looking for that.
It is disappointing, given that people were encouraged to save and did their best to save - and, presumably, part of the aim of encouraging people to save was that they would not be an additional burden on the State when they got older - that they are now being penalised for that. The Government is clipping away at savings and there will not be an incentive to save.
I spoke previously here about the massive housing crisis, particularly in Dublin. I will be looking to see the practical implications and the difference that the suggestions and the plans in the budget and the Bill will make. At the end of the Minister's budget speech, he stated that Ireland would leave the EU-IMF programme and would handed back her purse. Obviously, that is positive, but that in itself cannot be seen as an end. It must be a process towards something that will be much better. I hope that what is much better will be more equitable budgets.
Listen to question debate
07 November Dáil Question on Bridges on Royal Canal
Question 3. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport the position regarding the Dublin city centre study being undertaken by the National Transport Authority in relation to the development of the Royal Canal-CIE lifting bridge on the North Strand, Dublin 1 and the Scherzer Bridge, Sheriff Street, Dublin 1; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [47410/13]
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: The city centre transport assessment study is being carried out by the National Transport Authority and Dublin City Council. It is examining the management and movement of goods and people to, from and within Dublin city. My question relates to the navigational potential of the canal which includes the bridge question and why this has not been included in the study.
Deputy Leo Varadkar: I thank the Deputy for raising this matter. As Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, I have responsibility for policy and the overall funding of public transport. Following the establishment of the National Transport Authority in December 2009, the implementation and development of infrastructural projects in the greater Dublin area come within the remit of the authority.
The city centre transport assessment study is being undertaken by the NTA in conjunction with Dublin City Council. The purpose of the study is to examine in detail the issues relating to the management and movement of people and goods to, from and within Dublin city centre and propose potential solutions. The NTA and Dublin City Council are carrying out a joint assessment. They are analysing initial proposals and initiatives and working towards producing a joint report which will go through a public consultation process. It is anticipated that the joint report will be published for consultation early next year.
The study will identify traffic management proposals, public transport infrastructure improvements and specific measures to encourage walking and cycling to, from and within the city centre. Furthermore, as the Deputy is aware, the NTA has recently completed a public consultation exercise on its draft greater Dublin area cycle network plan. While neither the study nor the draft GDA cycle network plan deals explicitly with canal navigation or the rehabilitation of bridges over the canals, it is the intention of the NTA to pursue a cycling and walking green way along the Royal Canal close to the locations in question. With regard to the bridges in question, the Scherzer bridge or Rusty Bridge on Sheriff Street is not the subject of a specific proposal from the NTA, nor is the lifting bridge on the North Strand included in a current NTA proposal. It is understood the latter is on a lightly used shunting line serving Connolly Station. It is operable and can be used to allow canal traffic to traverse underneath. This is a matter for Waterways Ireland and Irish Rail and beyond the remit of the city centre transport assessment study and the GDA cycle network plan.
Given the NTA's responsibility in this matter, I have referred the Deputy's question to the authority for a further reply. I will be happy to arrange for the Deputy to meet the NTA team personally should she so wish.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: I thank the Minister. Part of the difficulty is that the area falls between the Minister's Department and the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. Many other organisations are also involved, including Waterways Ireland, Irish Rail, Dublin City Council and the National Transport Authority. The Dublin Docklands Development Authority also had a role and it is not clear if its role will be transferred to Dublin City Council. Everyone welcomes the green way project and the development of walking and cycle ways. As the walking and cycling ways run along the canal, it does not make sense not to include the canal to examine its navigational potential. All that is being asked is that it be included in the study in order that at some point when funding may be available plans could be in place and ready to be used. I ask that the canal be considered as part of the study.
Deputy Leo Varadkar: I am not familiar with the exact details of this issue or the bridge in question, but I will put the Deputy's proposal to the NTA. It is intended to run a green way and a cycling and walking way all along the Royal Canal. I run along the canal from time to time and know it is possible to get from Clonsilla as far as one of the bridges in the Sheriff Street and Seán MacDermott street area-----
Deputy Leo Varadkar: It would be nice to be able to get all the way into town or to the sea. I am not familiar with the details of the bridge, but I will ask the NTA to see whether it would be appropriate to include it in the study. As the Deputy noted, a large number of agencies are involved, which sometimes makes it difficult to get things done. That is not an excuse but perhaps a comment.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: I suggest the canal route might be a potentially quicker way for the Minister to travel into work in the morning. I acknowledge the work of the voluntary organisations along the canal such as the Royal Canal Amenity Group, the Inland Waterways Association of Ireland, the Heritage Boat Association, Canal Watch and the various individuals who have been doing an amazing job. If the Minister is using the canal way in his area, he will see this work. The bridges are a problem. Part of the problem is that each bridge is the responsibility of a different authority.
There is no joined-up thinking with regard to the canal and its navigational use. With recent festivals there have been parts of the canal used by barges, with a section made available by Waterways Ireland for water polo. There is much potential and I welcome the fact that the Minister will take up the issue and there is a possibility that the canal could be part of the study.
Question 3. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport the position regarding the Dublin city centre study being undertaken by the National Transport Authority in relation to the development of the Royal Canal-CIE lifting bridge on the North Strand, Dublin 1 and the Scherzer Bridge, Sheriff Street, Dublin 1; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [47410/13]
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: The city centre transport assessment study is being carried out by the National Transport Authority and Dublin City Council. It is examining the management and movement of goods and people to, from and within Dublin city. My question relates to the navigational potential of the canal which includes the bridge question and why this has not been included in the study.
Deputy Leo Varadkar: I thank the Deputy for raising this matter. As Minister for Transport, Tourism and Sport, I have responsibility for policy and the overall funding of public transport. Following the establishment of the National Transport Authority in December 2009, the implementation and development of infrastructural projects in the greater Dublin area come within the remit of the authority.
The city centre transport assessment study is being undertaken by the NTA in conjunction with Dublin City Council. The purpose of the study is to examine in detail the issues relating to the management and movement of people and goods to, from and within Dublin city centre and propose potential solutions. The NTA and Dublin City Council are carrying out a joint assessment. They are analysing initial proposals and initiatives and working towards producing a joint report which will go through a public consultation process. It is anticipated that the joint report will be published for consultation early next year.
The study will identify traffic management proposals, public transport infrastructure improvements and specific measures to encourage walking and cycling to, from and within the city centre. Furthermore, as the Deputy is aware, the NTA has recently completed a public consultation exercise on its draft greater Dublin area cycle network plan. While neither the study nor the draft GDA cycle network plan deals explicitly with canal navigation or the rehabilitation of bridges over the canals, it is the intention of the NTA to pursue a cycling and walking green way along the Royal Canal close to the locations in question. With regard to the bridges in question, the Scherzer bridge or Rusty Bridge on Sheriff Street is not the subject of a specific proposal from the NTA, nor is the lifting bridge on the North Strand included in a current NTA proposal. It is understood the latter is on a lightly used shunting line serving Connolly Station. It is operable and can be used to allow canal traffic to traverse underneath. This is a matter for Waterways Ireland and Irish Rail and beyond the remit of the city centre transport assessment study and the GDA cycle network plan.
Given the NTA's responsibility in this matter, I have referred the Deputy's question to the authority for a further reply. I will be happy to arrange for the Deputy to meet the NTA team personally should she so wish.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: I thank the Minister. Part of the difficulty is that the area falls between the Minister's Department and the Department of Arts, Heritage and the Gaeltacht. Many other organisations are also involved, including Waterways Ireland, Irish Rail, Dublin City Council and the National Transport Authority. The Dublin Docklands Development Authority also had a role and it is not clear if its role will be transferred to Dublin City Council. Everyone welcomes the green way project and the development of walking and cycle ways. As the walking and cycling ways run along the canal, it does not make sense not to include the canal to examine its navigational potential. All that is being asked is that it be included in the study in order that at some point when funding may be available plans could be in place and ready to be used. I ask that the canal be considered as part of the study.
Deputy Leo Varadkar: I am not familiar with the exact details of this issue or the bridge in question, but I will put the Deputy's proposal to the NTA. It is intended to run a green way and a cycling and walking way all along the Royal Canal. I run along the canal from time to time and know it is possible to get from Clonsilla as far as one of the bridges in the Sheriff Street and Seán MacDermott street area-----
Deputy Leo Varadkar: It would be nice to be able to get all the way into town or to the sea. I am not familiar with the details of the bridge, but I will ask the NTA to see whether it would be appropriate to include it in the study. As the Deputy noted, a large number of agencies are involved, which sometimes makes it difficult to get things done. That is not an excuse but perhaps a comment.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: I suggest the canal route might be a potentially quicker way for the Minister to travel into work in the morning. I acknowledge the work of the voluntary organisations along the canal such as the Royal Canal Amenity Group, the Inland Waterways Association of Ireland, the Heritage Boat Association, Canal Watch and the various individuals who have been doing an amazing job. If the Minister is using the canal way in his area, he will see this work. The bridges are a problem. Part of the problem is that each bridge is the responsibility of a different authority.
There is no joined-up thinking with regard to the canal and its navigational use. With recent festivals there have been parts of the canal used by barges, with a section made available by Waterways Ireland for water polo. There is much potential and I welcome the fact that the Minister will take up the issue and there is a possibility that the canal could be part of the study.
Defence Force Reserve Question
06 November Defence Forces Reserve Review
Question 9. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Defence the current arrangements for staff and resources of the FCA; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [46642/13]
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Given the long tradition of the FCA, will the Minister indicate what is the organisation's current role, how many members it has and what resources are available to it?
Deputy Alan Shatter: As the Deputy may be aware, a value for money review of the Reserve Defence Force was completed and published in November 2012. It recommended the retention of an Army reserve, previously known as the FCA, and a Naval Service reserve, previously known as An Slua Muirí, with a combined strength of approximately 4,000 personnel and a range of other reforms which together would ensure a viable and cost-effective reserve into the future. A new organisational structure for the Army Reserve and the Naval Service Reserve came into effect at the end of March 2013 and a large number of under-strength units have been consolidated into a smaller number of full strength units. In addition, the way Reserve units are organised has fundamentally changed.
Under the new structure, Army units within the Defence Forces have both Permanent Defence Force and Reserve Defence Force components, as opposed to the separate parallel structures that previously were in place. This revised structure has improved access to equipment, expertise and appropriate training for members of the Reserve. It has also allowed for a significant reduction in the number of Permanent Defence Force personnel required to administer and train the Reserve on a full-time basis.
The Army Reserve now has an establishment of 3,869 personnel and the Naval Service Reserve has an establishment of 200 personnel. A key issue identified in the value for money review was the high number of reservists who were not meeting minimum levels of paid and unpaid training but were retained in the strength of units. The attainment of required levels of training is an essential requirement and I have ensured there is sufficient paid training to provide for a minimum of seven days paid training for all reservists and sustain recruitment to the Reserve. In this context, the budget available for paid training for members of the Reserve is €3.243 million in 2013. The number of paid training man days available to members of the Reserve has increased from 30,000 in 2012 to 41,500 in 2013.
Recruitment to and promotions within the Reserve will be in line with the number of vacancies that arise. A key requirement is to ensure reservists who are no longer active do not block appointments within the new organisation. This is a critical factor in ensuring the vitality of units and it is being addressed as part of the implementation process.
Ultimately, the recommendations of the value for money review that are being implemented are intended to enhance the overall capacity of the Defence Forces to deal with a broad range of contingencies. I am determined that the current reforms will be given every opportunity to succeed. I convey my appreciation to the many deeply committed members of the Reserve Defence Force and the Permanent Defence Force who are at the sharp end of the current reforms and will ultimately deliver the enhanced capabilities that are of such importance.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: All change causes confusion and upset, the level of which will depend on the ability of the individual in question to cope with change. I know people who have been members of the FCA for a considerable period, probably most of their adult lives. Were members of the FCA, namely, those who experienced the changes, consulted as part of the process? Change may be fine for new entrants, given that the system is new to them, but the issue is how those who have given 20, 30 or many more years' service feel and the extent of their engagement with the new process.
Deputy Alan Shatter: The changes introduced were of crucial importance. One of the difficulties with the Reserve Defence Force is that a significant number of its members do not participate in paid training days. It is very important that we have a Reserve Defence Force that is fit for purpose and can engage with and assist the Permanent Defence Force when required. The new reforms we have introduced are designed to achieve a more integrated approach as between the Reserve and the Permanent Defence Force.
As I stated, I very much appreciate the contribution made by the many members of the Reserve Defence Force who have been engaged with the force for many years. The decisions on implementation of the changes have been made and there has been engagement with members of the Reserve. While I am advised that matters are developing very well, I remain concerned that we have numbers of individuals in the Reserve Defence Force who made a contribution in the past but are no longer active. I am anxious that, in the context of the Reserve Defence Force, we recruit some new young people who have the energy and desire to make a contribution and that those who are still members but no longer able to engage or make a contribution by participating in training days consider how best to approach matters to ensure the Reserve Defence Force is as effective as possible.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: On those who are no longer active, will the Minister outline what role he envisages they could play in the future of the FCA? Perhaps they might be involved in a mentoring scheme for younger people entering the Reserve Defence Force? There is still a strong loyalty to the FCA among this group.
Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn: I understand the official title is no longer the FCA but the Reserve Defence Force. Has the title changed?
Deputy Alan Shatter: Yes, the title is the Reserve Defence Force.
Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn: The reason I ask is that the Reserve Defence Forces Representative Association made a presentation to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality and Defence in which it outlined its concerns. Its representatives expertly addressed the issues that have resulted in the depletion of the Reserve Defence Force. The association is seeking a meeting with the Minister. Has he met its representatives since the changes were implemented? Has he listened to their concerns and, if so, will he act on them?
Deputy Alan Shatter: While I have not recently met representatives of the association, I met them in or around the time of the meeting to which the Deputy referred. I am always happy to meet the organisation. This is never an issue and I am not aware of an outstanding request for a meeting. If its representatives wish to meet me, I would be happy to meet them.
To address Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan's question, members of the Reserve and the Permanent Defence Force often maintain an interest in the Defence Forces when they retire. There are associations of which they are members and they actively contribute in different ways, often with very constructive suggestions and proposals. Some of the retired members of the Defence Forces and their representative groups are included in the numbers who have made submissions on the Defence Forces White Paper. Their knowledge and capacity to contribute are very much appreciated and given very careful consideration when constructive proposals are made.
Question 9. Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan asked the Minister for Defence the current arrangements for staff and resources of the FCA; and if he will make a statement on the matter. [46642/13]
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Given the long tradition of the FCA, will the Minister indicate what is the organisation's current role, how many members it has and what resources are available to it?
Deputy Alan Shatter: As the Deputy may be aware, a value for money review of the Reserve Defence Force was completed and published in November 2012. It recommended the retention of an Army reserve, previously known as the FCA, and a Naval Service reserve, previously known as An Slua Muirí, with a combined strength of approximately 4,000 personnel and a range of other reforms which together would ensure a viable and cost-effective reserve into the future. A new organisational structure for the Army Reserve and the Naval Service Reserve came into effect at the end of March 2013 and a large number of under-strength units have been consolidated into a smaller number of full strength units. In addition, the way Reserve units are organised has fundamentally changed.
Under the new structure, Army units within the Defence Forces have both Permanent Defence Force and Reserve Defence Force components, as opposed to the separate parallel structures that previously were in place. This revised structure has improved access to equipment, expertise and appropriate training for members of the Reserve. It has also allowed for a significant reduction in the number of Permanent Defence Force personnel required to administer and train the Reserve on a full-time basis.
The Army Reserve now has an establishment of 3,869 personnel and the Naval Service Reserve has an establishment of 200 personnel. A key issue identified in the value for money review was the high number of reservists who were not meeting minimum levels of paid and unpaid training but were retained in the strength of units. The attainment of required levels of training is an essential requirement and I have ensured there is sufficient paid training to provide for a minimum of seven days paid training for all reservists and sustain recruitment to the Reserve. In this context, the budget available for paid training for members of the Reserve is €3.243 million in 2013. The number of paid training man days available to members of the Reserve has increased from 30,000 in 2012 to 41,500 in 2013.
Recruitment to and promotions within the Reserve will be in line with the number of vacancies that arise. A key requirement is to ensure reservists who are no longer active do not block appointments within the new organisation. This is a critical factor in ensuring the vitality of units and it is being addressed as part of the implementation process.
Ultimately, the recommendations of the value for money review that are being implemented are intended to enhance the overall capacity of the Defence Forces to deal with a broad range of contingencies. I am determined that the current reforms will be given every opportunity to succeed. I convey my appreciation to the many deeply committed members of the Reserve Defence Force and the Permanent Defence Force who are at the sharp end of the current reforms and will ultimately deliver the enhanced capabilities that are of such importance.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: All change causes confusion and upset, the level of which will depend on the ability of the individual in question to cope with change. I know people who have been members of the FCA for a considerable period, probably most of their adult lives. Were members of the FCA, namely, those who experienced the changes, consulted as part of the process? Change may be fine for new entrants, given that the system is new to them, but the issue is how those who have given 20, 30 or many more years' service feel and the extent of their engagement with the new process.
Deputy Alan Shatter: The changes introduced were of crucial importance. One of the difficulties with the Reserve Defence Force is that a significant number of its members do not participate in paid training days. It is very important that we have a Reserve Defence Force that is fit for purpose and can engage with and assist the Permanent Defence Force when required. The new reforms we have introduced are designed to achieve a more integrated approach as between the Reserve and the Permanent Defence Force.
As I stated, I very much appreciate the contribution made by the many members of the Reserve Defence Force who have been engaged with the force for many years. The decisions on implementation of the changes have been made and there has been engagement with members of the Reserve. While I am advised that matters are developing very well, I remain concerned that we have numbers of individuals in the Reserve Defence Force who made a contribution in the past but are no longer active. I am anxious that, in the context of the Reserve Defence Force, we recruit some new young people who have the energy and desire to make a contribution and that those who are still members but no longer able to engage or make a contribution by participating in training days consider how best to approach matters to ensure the Reserve Defence Force is as effective as possible.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: On those who are no longer active, will the Minister outline what role he envisages they could play in the future of the FCA? Perhaps they might be involved in a mentoring scheme for younger people entering the Reserve Defence Force? There is still a strong loyalty to the FCA among this group.
Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn: I understand the official title is no longer the FCA but the Reserve Defence Force. Has the title changed?
Deputy Alan Shatter: Yes, the title is the Reserve Defence Force.
Deputy Pádraig Mac Lochlainn: The reason I ask is that the Reserve Defence Forces Representative Association made a presentation to the Joint Committee on Justice, Equality and Defence in which it outlined its concerns. Its representatives expertly addressed the issues that have resulted in the depletion of the Reserve Defence Force. The association is seeking a meeting with the Minister. Has he met its representatives since the changes were implemented? Has he listened to their concerns and, if so, will he act on them?
Deputy Alan Shatter: While I have not recently met representatives of the association, I met them in or around the time of the meeting to which the Deputy referred. I am always happy to meet the organisation. This is never an issue and I am not aware of an outstanding request for a meeting. If its representatives wish to meet me, I would be happy to meet them.
To address Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan's question, members of the Reserve and the Permanent Defence Force often maintain an interest in the Defence Forces when they retire. There are associations of which they are members and they actively contribute in different ways, often with very constructive suggestions and proposals. Some of the retired members of the Defence Forces and their representative groups are included in the numbers who have made submissions on the Defence Forces White Paper. Their knowledge and capacity to contribute are very much appreciated and given very careful consideration when constructive proposals are made.
Hear Maureen speak on motion
05 November Dáil Cannabis Regulation Motion
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Ceapaim go bhfuil sé riachtanach agus tábhachtach an díospóireacht a tosnú anois. I acknowledge the work and passion of Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan on this topic. I see it as part of a much wider debate and tonight should be the start of it. We should look at drugs, alcohol, addiction, treatment, prevention, education, health, crime, harm reduction and decriminalising. The legalising aspect is a more complex area. Starting the debate is vital. In 2009, the Latin American commission on drugs and democracy called for the international community to break the taboo. It was echoed in the 2011 global commission on drugs policy calling for an open debate. In 2016, a special session at the United Nations General Assembly will be held on drugs and drug policy. Ireland should be ready for that and part of it involves a systematic, independent objective evaluation of our drugs strategy and the views of people in the country on drugs. I hope tonight is the start of that debate.
The debate must be honest and based on evidence from quality research. When I looked at Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan's Bill, my reaction was that it was innocuous and mild, with a set of guidelines that are stricter than the guidelines for alcohol. It takes the control of the cannabis market out of the hands of criminals and is not leading to a free for all. E-mails tell us 150,000 people use cannabis and we seem to have received e-mails from practically all of them at this point.
The point borne out by research and the drug prevalence survey carried out by the national advisory committee on drugs in 2010 and 2011 is that these people are adult, educated and generally middle class. They are an informed group of people who can make choices and decisions rationally. I can see why there is support for it and, if it was followed in that way, I too could support it. However, I come from a constituency that has suffered from drugs more than any other in Ireland. I cannot divorce what is happening in this Bill from what I see in the constituency. The drug takers in my constituency are a particular cohort - young, male, and early school leavers with poor employment records. Many come from dysfunctional families and are not in a position to make rational and informed decisions about their drugs of choice. My views come from that background and from the fact that I chaired the north inner city drugs task force and the group for the young people's facilities and services fund, which looks at targeted responses to communities most at risk of drug addiction and misuse. My views also come from active involvement in projects working on the ground with those in addiction and their families.
In the inner city, we are seeing a different type of cannabis to the type described by Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan. It is cannabis used by a cohort of those under 18 years. It has a different strength and is being grown in skunk factories. The chemical make-up is completely different to what Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan describes. Projects in the inner-city are seeing the negative impacts of it on the mental health of young people and on their behaviour. I acknowledge that some is being taken in conjunction with alcohol and tablets but the pressure on some of these projects, particularly those working with people under 18 years of age, is to find cannabis detox due to the strength of this drug. Due to its strength, it is a gateway drug to other drugs, tablets and cocaine and heroin. The Bill applies to those over 18 and one of the unintended consequences is that those under 18 years become a further target and we will see increased targeting of them. The citywide drug campaign had a recent conference and posed the question of whether we can take anymore. The answer was "No". There is an active campaign to make the drugs crisis a political and public priority.
The community and voluntary sector are most active with people in addiction and it is seeing considerable costs. I would like to see us examine the decriminalising aspect and to stop using prison as a means to tackle the drug issue. Most drug users do not commit crimes except the crime of possession. That is not to deny the link between crime and cocaine, crystal meth and heroin. The decriminalising debate must follow this debate. In Portugal, it led to a reduction in drug-related deaths with no increase in drug prevalence. Portugal also put more resources into rehab and treatment. Alcohol has devastating effects and its misuse is far more costly than any other drug. The debate on drugs must take that into account. We also need safer injecting rooms and we must take into account the methadone protocol.
Drug abuse began in the inner city. Nobody acknowledged it, addressed it, or addressed the social conditions from which it came. I cannot look at this debate separate from the wider debate having followed in the footsteps of the late Tony Gregory and the work he did. It is the beginning of a debate and I hope it continues in an open way.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Ceapaim go bhfuil sé riachtanach agus tábhachtach an díospóireacht a tosnú anois. I acknowledge the work and passion of Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan on this topic. I see it as part of a much wider debate and tonight should be the start of it. We should look at drugs, alcohol, addiction, treatment, prevention, education, health, crime, harm reduction and decriminalising. The legalising aspect is a more complex area. Starting the debate is vital. In 2009, the Latin American commission on drugs and democracy called for the international community to break the taboo. It was echoed in the 2011 global commission on drugs policy calling for an open debate. In 2016, a special session at the United Nations General Assembly will be held on drugs and drug policy. Ireland should be ready for that and part of it involves a systematic, independent objective evaluation of our drugs strategy and the views of people in the country on drugs. I hope tonight is the start of that debate.
The debate must be honest and based on evidence from quality research. When I looked at Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan's Bill, my reaction was that it was innocuous and mild, with a set of guidelines that are stricter than the guidelines for alcohol. It takes the control of the cannabis market out of the hands of criminals and is not leading to a free for all. E-mails tell us 150,000 people use cannabis and we seem to have received e-mails from practically all of them at this point.
The point borne out by research and the drug prevalence survey carried out by the national advisory committee on drugs in 2010 and 2011 is that these people are adult, educated and generally middle class. They are an informed group of people who can make choices and decisions rationally. I can see why there is support for it and, if it was followed in that way, I too could support it. However, I come from a constituency that has suffered from drugs more than any other in Ireland. I cannot divorce what is happening in this Bill from what I see in the constituency. The drug takers in my constituency are a particular cohort - young, male, and early school leavers with poor employment records. Many come from dysfunctional families and are not in a position to make rational and informed decisions about their drugs of choice. My views come from that background and from the fact that I chaired the north inner city drugs task force and the group for the young people's facilities and services fund, which looks at targeted responses to communities most at risk of drug addiction and misuse. My views also come from active involvement in projects working on the ground with those in addiction and their families.
In the inner city, we are seeing a different type of cannabis to the type described by Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan. It is cannabis used by a cohort of those under 18 years. It has a different strength and is being grown in skunk factories. The chemical make-up is completely different to what Deputy Luke 'Ming' Flanagan describes. Projects in the inner-city are seeing the negative impacts of it on the mental health of young people and on their behaviour. I acknowledge that some is being taken in conjunction with alcohol and tablets but the pressure on some of these projects, particularly those working with people under 18 years of age, is to find cannabis detox due to the strength of this drug. Due to its strength, it is a gateway drug to other drugs, tablets and cocaine and heroin. The Bill applies to those over 18 and one of the unintended consequences is that those under 18 years become a further target and we will see increased targeting of them. The citywide drug campaign had a recent conference and posed the question of whether we can take anymore. The answer was "No". There is an active campaign to make the drugs crisis a political and public priority.
The community and voluntary sector are most active with people in addiction and it is seeing considerable costs. I would like to see us examine the decriminalising aspect and to stop using prison as a means to tackle the drug issue. Most drug users do not commit crimes except the crime of possession. That is not to deny the link between crime and cocaine, crystal meth and heroin. The decriminalising debate must follow this debate. In Portugal, it led to a reduction in drug-related deaths with no increase in drug prevalence. Portugal also put more resources into rehab and treatment. Alcohol has devastating effects and its misuse is far more costly than any other drug. The debate on drugs must take that into account. We also need safer injecting rooms and we must take into account the methadone protocol.
Drug abuse began in the inner city. Nobody acknowledged it, addressed it, or addressed the social conditions from which it came. I cannot look at this debate separate from the wider debate having followed in the footsteps of the late Tony Gregory and the work he did. It is the beginning of a debate and I hope it continues in an open way.
Hear Issues debated
05 November Magdalene Laundries Survivors' Redress
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Táim buíoch as an deis labhairt ar an ábhar seo anocht agus as deis a fháil ceisteanna a chur agus, tá súil agam, freagraí a fháil. I am grateful that this topic has been chosen tonight.
The time for speeches is over and I will not be making a speech as such. I will be as brief as I can be.
The Department of Justice and Equality stated on 25 June last, as reported on 21 October in a newspaper, that the Government, on 25 June, approved the immediate implementation of a cash lump-sum payment scheme based on duration of stay in laundries recommended by Mr. Justice John Quirke and tasked an interdepartmental group with giving further detailed consideration to the steps necessary to implement the other recommendations, some of which are complex and will require legislation. The Department stated that more than 150 applications had been received and were being processed and that it was expected that the first offers of payment of a lump sum would issue within four to six weeks of the Government decision. That was similar to the reply I received from the Minister in September to a question.
I will make one point before I ask the question. Since the apology of February last two of the ladies from the laundries have passed away and as of today, Tuesday, 5 November, no woman who has been in a laundry has received the lump-sum payment or any other entitlement.
I noted that the Minister for Finance stated in the Budget Statement that the lump sums would be tax free. I would have assumed that such was a given.
We all have feelings of compassion and understanding of what went on in the laundries. I acknowledge that under this Government more has been progressed than at any other time but I want to know about the Government decision. Has it been made? If not, when will it be made so that one can then count the four to six weeks from that decision. That is the basic question I want to put to the Minister and I would prefer to use the time for his reply.
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): I thank Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan for raising this important matter and for giving me the opportunity to speak on the issue.
The House will be aware that the Minister of State, Deputy Kathleen Lynch, and I announced a scheme of lump sum payments on 26 June 2013 for women who were admitted to and worked in the Magdalen laundries, St. Mary's Training Centre, Stanhope Street, and House of Mercy Training School, Summerhill, Wexford. This followed the publication of the report by Mr. Justice Quirke, President of the Law Reform Commission, on the establishment of an ex-gratia scheme and a comprehensive range of supports for the women involved. As the Deputy mentioned, the Government tasked an interdepartmental group with giving further detailed consideration to the steps necessary to implement the other recommendations in Mr. Justice Quirke's report.
Pending completion of that report, arrangements were put in place in my Department to invite and process applications from the women involved. To date, more than 600 application forms have been received and more than 250 of these have been processed to an advanced stage.
The report of the interdepartmental group was discussed and the final details of the scheme agreed at Cabinet this morning. Full details of the scheme will published over the next few days.
The payment of lump sums, as recommended by Mr. Justice Quirke, will be made by my Department. In cases where application forms have been completed and records verified and subject to the clarification of a few legal issues by the Office of the Attorney General, I expect that my Department will be in a position to issue the first offers of payments within the next four to six weeks. The Deputy now has the date.
The provision of other benefits, including weekly payments from the Department of Social Protection and medical services to be provided through the Department of Health, will be dependent on the introduction of administrative and legislative measures. Work has already commenced on these measures and they will be progressed as soon as possible. So that no individual is prejudiced by the time required to give effect to the Government's decision, weekly payments to be made pursuant to the scheme are to be backdated to 1 August 2013.
As announced in the budget, these ex-gratia lump-sum payments will be exempt from income tax as well as the weekly payments, and this will be provided for in the Finance Bill. It had to be provided for in the Finance Bill. It could not have happened without express provision.
Mr. Justice Quirke recommended that as a precondition of receiving benefits under the scheme, the women concerned should sign a waiver not to take proceedings against the State. Before signing the waiver, the women will be encouraged to receive independent legal advice. Applicants will be facilitated to engage their own choice of solicitor and will be provided with a maximum amount from the State of €500 plus VAT as a contribution to the cost of obtaining legal advice on the signing of the waiver.
I am pleased that payments of the lump sums will commence shortly and as already stated, full details of the scheme will be published over the next few days.
It was particularly appropriate that the Deputy raised the matter for today. She was very prescient. The matter was pending to be dealt with by Cabinet and has been dealt with today. There is a formal announcement being made on foot of the Cabinet decision and, of course, I am very anxious that we progress matters further. There remains a considerable number of applications to be dealt with still. There are also various verification procedures to be dealt with.
The final issue the Deputy raised was the passing away of two individuals. It is envisaged under Mr. Justice Quirke's scheme that if someone passed away between the time of the announcement of the scheme and the lump sums becoming payable, a payment would be made to the estate of the individual concerned.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: I very much welcome what the Minister stated so that the countdown can begin from today. His point about the independent legal advice that the women can get is an important one.
I have another question. There have been discrepancies between the McAleese report and Mr. Justice Quirke's report, particularly on physical abuse of the ladies and duration of stay. I note in the McAleese report that 61% of those he interviewed were in the laundries less than one year but 58% of the admissions were not recorded in his findings, whereas in Mr. Justice Quirke's report there were 27% whose length of stay was less than one year. According to Mr. Justice Quirke's report, the length of stay of 68% of those with whom he spoke was one to five years, of 13% was five to ten years and of 9% was ten years or more. Given those discrepancies regarding length of stay and the issue of physical abuse, will the Minister be committed to holding an independent forum for survivors so that they can offer testimony regarding the length of stay and the physical abuse that they suffered?
Deputy Alan Shatter: Many of the former residents of the Magdalen homes very much welcomed the engagement of former Senator McAleese. They very much welcomed the careful consideration and sensitive engagement that he had with them. They were generally very pleased with the report that was published.
Many of them do not want to revisit this issue. They were anxious that the State accept its responsibilities. The Taoiseach, on behalf of the State, apologised for the suffering that they experienced and our focus now is on implementing the scheme for their benefit. We do not believe there is anything additional that would be beneficial to anyone that can be achieved by further inquiries to individuals who have been through stress in their lives again being required in some way to recount past events.
Former Senator McAleese conducted a careful investigation. In the context of what the Deputy says as between Mr. Justice Quirke and former Senator McAleese, it was not Mr. Justice Quirke's job to investigate the background to the Magdalen laundries.
What Mr. Justice Quirke was asked to do, based on the findings of Professor McAleese, was to propose the most appropriate ex gratia scheme that could be put in place to assist the women concerned. He had contact with numbers of them, but he was not asked nor did he attempt to make a definitive decision on the exact percentage of women who had experienced different difficulties. Of course, the issue in the context of the scheme is that the women concerned have to establish two things: first, that they were in either one of the Magdalen laundries or the other two institutions; and, second, the length of time spent in these institutions. The sisters involved are co-operating fully in providing all of the necessary records in an effort to establish and verify timeframes. This is being done in respect of over 250 applicants. The information is available for the processing of some of these applications. There will be a difficulty with a small number of women in cases where records are imperfect. There may well be some disagreement about the length of time involved, but I am advised by my officials that this has not yet emerged as a significant difficulty. We deal with matters in a sensitive and as careful a way as possible, bearing in mind the difficulties all of the women experienced during their lives.
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Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: Táim buíoch as an deis labhairt ar an ábhar seo anocht agus as deis a fháil ceisteanna a chur agus, tá súil agam, freagraí a fháil. I am grateful that this topic has been chosen tonight.
The time for speeches is over and I will not be making a speech as such. I will be as brief as I can be.
The Department of Justice and Equality stated on 25 June last, as reported on 21 October in a newspaper, that the Government, on 25 June, approved the immediate implementation of a cash lump-sum payment scheme based on duration of stay in laundries recommended by Mr. Justice John Quirke and tasked an interdepartmental group with giving further detailed consideration to the steps necessary to implement the other recommendations, some of which are complex and will require legislation. The Department stated that more than 150 applications had been received and were being processed and that it was expected that the first offers of payment of a lump sum would issue within four to six weeks of the Government decision. That was similar to the reply I received from the Minister in September to a question.
I will make one point before I ask the question. Since the apology of February last two of the ladies from the laundries have passed away and as of today, Tuesday, 5 November, no woman who has been in a laundry has received the lump-sum payment or any other entitlement.
I noted that the Minister for Finance stated in the Budget Statement that the lump sums would be tax free. I would have assumed that such was a given.
We all have feelings of compassion and understanding of what went on in the laundries. I acknowledge that under this Government more has been progressed than at any other time but I want to know about the Government decision. Has it been made? If not, when will it be made so that one can then count the four to six weeks from that decision. That is the basic question I want to put to the Minister and I would prefer to use the time for his reply.
Minister for Justice and Equality (Deputy Alan Shatter): I thank Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan for raising this important matter and for giving me the opportunity to speak on the issue.
The House will be aware that the Minister of State, Deputy Kathleen Lynch, and I announced a scheme of lump sum payments on 26 June 2013 for women who were admitted to and worked in the Magdalen laundries, St. Mary's Training Centre, Stanhope Street, and House of Mercy Training School, Summerhill, Wexford. This followed the publication of the report by Mr. Justice Quirke, President of the Law Reform Commission, on the establishment of an ex-gratia scheme and a comprehensive range of supports for the women involved. As the Deputy mentioned, the Government tasked an interdepartmental group with giving further detailed consideration to the steps necessary to implement the other recommendations in Mr. Justice Quirke's report.
Pending completion of that report, arrangements were put in place in my Department to invite and process applications from the women involved. To date, more than 600 application forms have been received and more than 250 of these have been processed to an advanced stage.
The report of the interdepartmental group was discussed and the final details of the scheme agreed at Cabinet this morning. Full details of the scheme will published over the next few days.
The payment of lump sums, as recommended by Mr. Justice Quirke, will be made by my Department. In cases where application forms have been completed and records verified and subject to the clarification of a few legal issues by the Office of the Attorney General, I expect that my Department will be in a position to issue the first offers of payments within the next four to six weeks. The Deputy now has the date.
The provision of other benefits, including weekly payments from the Department of Social Protection and medical services to be provided through the Department of Health, will be dependent on the introduction of administrative and legislative measures. Work has already commenced on these measures and they will be progressed as soon as possible. So that no individual is prejudiced by the time required to give effect to the Government's decision, weekly payments to be made pursuant to the scheme are to be backdated to 1 August 2013.
As announced in the budget, these ex-gratia lump-sum payments will be exempt from income tax as well as the weekly payments, and this will be provided for in the Finance Bill. It had to be provided for in the Finance Bill. It could not have happened without express provision.
Mr. Justice Quirke recommended that as a precondition of receiving benefits under the scheme, the women concerned should sign a waiver not to take proceedings against the State. Before signing the waiver, the women will be encouraged to receive independent legal advice. Applicants will be facilitated to engage their own choice of solicitor and will be provided with a maximum amount from the State of €500 plus VAT as a contribution to the cost of obtaining legal advice on the signing of the waiver.
I am pleased that payments of the lump sums will commence shortly and as already stated, full details of the scheme will be published over the next few days.
It was particularly appropriate that the Deputy raised the matter for today. She was very prescient. The matter was pending to be dealt with by Cabinet and has been dealt with today. There is a formal announcement being made on foot of the Cabinet decision and, of course, I am very anxious that we progress matters further. There remains a considerable number of applications to be dealt with still. There are also various verification procedures to be dealt with.
The final issue the Deputy raised was the passing away of two individuals. It is envisaged under Mr. Justice Quirke's scheme that if someone passed away between the time of the announcement of the scheme and the lump sums becoming payable, a payment would be made to the estate of the individual concerned.
Deputy Maureen O'Sullivan: I very much welcome what the Minister stated so that the countdown can begin from today. His point about the independent legal advice that the women can get is an important one.
I have another question. There have been discrepancies between the McAleese report and Mr. Justice Quirke's report, particularly on physical abuse of the ladies and duration of stay. I note in the McAleese report that 61% of those he interviewed were in the laundries less than one year but 58% of the admissions were not recorded in his findings, whereas in Mr. Justice Quirke's report there were 27% whose length of stay was less than one year. According to Mr. Justice Quirke's report, the length of stay of 68% of those with whom he spoke was one to five years, of 13% was five to ten years and of 9% was ten years or more. Given those discrepancies regarding length of stay and the issue of physical abuse, will the Minister be committed to holding an independent forum for survivors so that they can offer testimony regarding the length of stay and the physical abuse that they suffered?
Deputy Alan Shatter: Many of the former residents of the Magdalen homes very much welcomed the engagement of former Senator McAleese. They very much welcomed the careful consideration and sensitive engagement that he had with them. They were generally very pleased with the report that was published.
Many of them do not want to revisit this issue. They were anxious that the State accept its responsibilities. The Taoiseach, on behalf of the State, apologised for the suffering that they experienced and our focus now is on implementing the scheme for their benefit. We do not believe there is anything additional that would be beneficial to anyone that can be achieved by further inquiries to individuals who have been through stress in their lives again being required in some way to recount past events.
Former Senator McAleese conducted a careful investigation. In the context of what the Deputy says as between Mr. Justice Quirke and former Senator McAleese, it was not Mr. Justice Quirke's job to investigate the background to the Magdalen laundries.
What Mr. Justice Quirke was asked to do, based on the findings of Professor McAleese, was to propose the most appropriate ex gratia scheme that could be put in place to assist the women concerned. He had contact with numbers of them, but he was not asked nor did he attempt to make a definitive decision on the exact percentage of women who had experienced different difficulties. Of course, the issue in the context of the scheme is that the women concerned have to establish two things: first, that they were in either one of the Magdalen laundries or the other two institutions; and, second, the length of time spent in these institutions. The sisters involved are co-operating fully in providing all of the necessary records in an effort to establish and verify timeframes. This is being done in respect of over 250 applicants. The information is available for the processing of some of these applications. There will be a difficulty with a small number of women in cases where records are imperfect. There may well be some disagreement about the length of time involved, but I am advised by my officials that this has not yet emerged as a significant difficulty. We deal with matters in a sensitive and as careful a way as possible, bearing in mind the difficulties all of the women experienced during their lives.
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